Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 192

While the victories in the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War certainly solidified Emperor Meiji's authority in the hearts of the people, the imperial court was actually well aware of who truly held power in the country. In fact, had the Choshu faction not chosen a conservative stance during the constitutional debate, and the reformists not created the Popular Constitution based on the British and French constitutions, the emperor would have returned to the historical norm, becoming a symbol of the state that did not interfere in politics.

Therefore, the Imperial Household Agency did its utmost to avoid making the Emperor the center of contention between the two factions. Just as the Imperial Conference was a meeting where issues were discussed in front of the Emperor, with the Emperor merely serving as a witness rather than the final decision-maker, this irresponsibility was the core principle of the Emperor's rule.

If Saionji were to first request the Imperial Household to issue an edict reprimanding the Army, the Imperial Household would certainly issue such an edict before the Army had a chance to express its opinion, because the Prime Minister has this right. Before the Army expresses its opposition, the Imperial Household certainly cannot refuse the Prime Minister's legitimate request.

However, after the Army made its position clear, the Imperial Household could no longer pretend to know nothing and issue an edict, because that would mean the Imperial Household sided with the Cabinet against the Army. Katsura Taro clearly understood this, which is why he quickly submitted the proposal to the Emperor afterward to ensure that the Emperor understood the Army's position.

Saionji Kinmochi's overthinking actually dragged the Imperial Court into this political vortex. After the Army broke its agreement with the Cabinet, Saionji Kinmochi found that he had nothing left to do. He either agreed to the Army's plan or opposed it. The path of negotiating with the Army to resolve the issue had become impossible after the Imperial Court issued an edict requiring the Cabinet to respond to the Army's proposal.

Hara Keiichi's faction, which had never been fond of clan politics, and Matsuda Masahisa, who advocated political negotiations with the military, both expressed great indignation at the army's reneging on its promises. However, this meeting of the Seiyukai high-ranking officials yielded no results. Last time, there was still a way out, but this time the cabinet had effectively been given the position of general by the army, and they could not take any other action before responding to the army's proposal.

Saionji Kinmochi knew he had made a wrong decision, which had led to the cabinet being forced into a predicament by the army. Therefore, he could only say, "If the army refuses to withdraw its proposal, then I will have no choice but to resign."

Matsuda Masahisa and Hara Takashi did not object to Saionji Kinmochi's statement. Hara Takashi did say, "Even if we all resign, we cannot let the army do as it pleases. I believe we should cooperate with the navy to prevent the possibility of the army coming to power..."

Matsuda Masahisa expressed his support for Hara Kei's proposal, saying, "The fact that the Seiyukai was able to form a government is a great step forward in party politics. We cannot just step down in such a humiliating way, otherwise the formation of a government by a party in the future will be subject to even greater criticism."

Currently, the Navy's political views are quite similar to ours. Having the Navy form the cabinet would ensure the continued implementation of many of our policies. As long as policies have continuity, then party politics has achieved partial success. If the people know that their demands can be transformed into national law through political parties, then more citizens will inevitably support party politics in the future.

Saionji Kinmochi was politically dependent on Hara Takashi and Matsuda Masahisa. Since the two agreed, he expressed his approval and decided to meet with Ito Genro and Yamamoto Kaisho to inform the Navy of his and Seiyukai's ideas.

Saionji Kinmochi's efforts toward the army were ultimately ineffective. Terauchi, who had the support of the army, would not change his stance on this issue. He told Saionji Kinmochi that if the government rejected his proposal, he would have no choice but to resign, because he could not allow himself to compromise the security of the country for the sake of a ministerial position.

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Saionji Kinmochi had no choice but to respond directly to the Minister of the Terauchi’s proposal, stating that the government could not support the army’s request to retain wartime divisions. Yes, it wasn’t a question of whether the government agreed or disagreed with the proposal to retain the army, but rather whether the government supported or opposed increasing the army’s budget. This is the relationship between the military and the government.

Terauchi Masatake used this opportunity to announce that he could not accept the government's neglect of national defense and therefore had no choice but to resign. The army refused to offer a successor, and in fact, no high-ranking army officer dared to defy public opinion and accept the government's proposal to reduce the army's size. Saionji Kinmochi was not particularly surprised by this; he did not attempt to salvage the current cabinet, having already done what needed to be done. Therefore, upon learning that no one would be appointed as Minister of the Army, Saionji also submitted his resignation as cabinet minister to the Imperial Household.

At this point, the confrontation between the army and the government became public. However, public opinion was not entirely on the side of the government. Although many intellectuals believed that the military was too overbearing, the lower and middle classes were still immersed in the joy of victory and were relatively tolerant of the army. Moreover, regarding the issue of war reparations, they generally believed that the government had betrayed the soldiers who had shed blood and sacrificed their lives, rather than the military launching a reckless war.

Therefore, in terms of public opinion, intellectuals criticized the army for violating the constitution from a constitutional perspective, while ordinary citizens believed that the army's responsibility was to defend Japan. Minister Terauchi demanded that national defense be given more attention, which was simply his responsibility as Minister of the Army, and that the responsibility should not be shifted to the army because of government problems.

Of course, the two sides mentioned above have almost no connection with rural farmers. Rural farmers neither read newspapers nor care about the expansion or reduction of the army. They only care about one thing: how exactly the land reform will be carried out and when the wartime taxes will be abolished.

Those who believed the Secretary of the Army's actions violated the constitution were almost entirely from the legal profession and university professors, while those who defended the Army were radical university students and petty bourgeois individuals who profited from the war. The former emphasized the inviolability of the constitution, while the latter advocated that patriotism was not a crime.

Thus, the conflict between the army and the government transformed into a confrontation between social classes. This class confrontation was essentially the aftermath of the struggle between the pro-imperial constitution faction and the pro-people constitution faction. Although Ito rejected the constitutional idea of ​​popular sovereignty by expelling pro-people bureaucrats from the government and forcibly passing the pro-imperial constitution, the pro-people constitution faction, after losing power, united with political parties to establish a broad anti-feudal alliance, and the struggle between the two sides did not end there.

The mainstream supporters of the Constitutionalists are a large number of judicial personnel who make a living from the law. The Constitution has been in effect for nearly 20 years and has cultivated a large number of legal professionals who make a living from this Constitution.

Based on the idea that sovereignty resides in the Emperor, the law becomes the supreme monarch, and anyone who violates the law is unforgivable. Legal professionals can rely on the law to confront the government and suppress civilians. From this perspective, legal professionals have actually shared in the ruling power of the country, and naturally they do not want the dignity of the law to be offended.

According to the idea of ​​popular sovereignty, the law itself has no authority, but is given power only with the permission of the people. This means that legislative power has been transferred from the hands of bureaucrats to the hands of the people. Although it is difficult for the people to exercise legislative power under a representative system, in the end, it only gives the members of parliament the power to amend the law.

But this alone has already stripped the sanctity of the law, turning legal professionals into servants of lawmakers. So who sits in the House of Representatives of Japan now? Apart from a few genuine social elites, most are so-called local luminaries or capitalists; in other words, the House of Representatives is actually a place dominated by money.

Influential figures in the legal field were almost all graduates of Imperial Universities or overseas. Local luminaries were called village chiefs in the Edo period, who were stewards who managed villages for samurai. The wealthy were essentially the powerful merchants of the Edo period. Both of these groups held a lower-middle social status in the Edo period, while professional legal professionals were at least high-ranking samurai.

It's not difficult to get legal experts to acknowledge that sovereignty belongs to the Emperor, as this aligns with the samurai's tradition of loyalty to the monarch. However, getting them to accept that sovereignty resides with the people, especially when the country is led by wealthy farmers and merchants who were relatively low-status in the old days, is clearly unacceptable.

Similarly, local luminaries and capitalists were also dissatisfied with these upper-class people who still adhered to the old samurai traditions. A bunch of country bumpkins overthrew the noble shogun and daimyo, and then transformed themselves into the masters of the country. But now they were putting on airs about the difference between officials and commoners. Wasn't the Meiji Restoration government built in vain?

When the shogunate was overthrown, everyone made a five-point oath before the Emperor, promising to abolish the four classes of people and establish a new era of equality for all, where everyone could pursue their own aspirations. Therefore, the behavior of those high-ranking officials who used the law to intimidate the people had long aroused widespread dissatisfaction.

At this time, the military had not completely lost its reputation. In another timeline, Katsura Taro and Saionji Kinmochi created the Katsura-Oenji era, with the military and political parties taking turns in power. Katsura Taro's policy of suppressing public opinion caused the people to completely abandon the military and turn to political parties, which led to the three-party constitutional protection movement in the early Taisho era.

Simply put, the military was so reactionary that ordinary people who originally had little connection with it had to set aside their traditional hostility towards the elite and instead support them in opposing the military. In contemporary Japan, the Ito cabinet usurped the time of the Katsura Taro cabinet, and the navy, under the influence of Hayashi Nobuyoshi, believed that socialist ideology was not entirely without merit and that freedom of speech could be used to attack political opponents and shirk political responsibility. Therefore, the navy actually began protecting some civilian activists.

Under these circumstances, while the military's public image was stubborn and unapproachable, it hadn't yet reached the point of being disliked by ordinary people. After all, the military and ordinary citizens had almost no contact, except for conscription. Conversely, the improvement of the police system led to increasing resentment among the common people towards the government.

While Japan drew inspiration from the police systems of France and Germany, it went a step further, incorporating the Eastern cultural concept of the nation as the parent of its people. The police thus became like caretakers for their children, granting them extensive powers. They were responsible not only for maintaining public order and traffic, but also for matters related to business, sanitation, construction, and insurance.

This comprehensive control, encompassing both thought and behavior, naturally fueled public discontent with the government, particularly the judiciary. Strictly speaking, Japan's police system was also dominated by the Choshu faction, which explains why clan politics was so hated. However, the public's favorable perception of the military led them to direct their anger at the clans rather than the military itself. Furthermore, the military's positive image stemmed from its claim to be the nation's army before the Satsuma Rebellion; it was only after the Satsuma Rebellion that the notion of the military belonging to the Emperor, rather than the nation, gradually emerged.

Therefore, Bai Itō's focus on civilian life during his rule also helped maintain a positive image for the army. People mainly had grievances against small groups within the power structure, but not against the current national system. When the elite attempted to use the constitution to accuse the army of violating it, civilians naturally stood up to defend the army's reputation. After all, the constitution was drafted by the elite and had little to do with ordinary people; they were unfairly criticized by the elite for opposing the army that was supposed to defend the country.

The army was naturally relieved that public opinion did not overwhelmingly criticize it. Although they did not know what to do next, with the resignation of the Saionji cabinet, the army was unlikely to be in power in the next cabinet. The people were protecting the reputation of the national army, not the rule of the Choshu faction, and everyone understood this.

So, whichever side forms the cabinet next, they will inevitably repeat the entanglement with the Army on the issue of troop reduction. The Army has already made its position public and can no longer back down unless someone makes concessions to the government despite their prestige within the Army. But does such a person really exist in the Army? So the Army can only hope that the next cabinet will make concessions. But how can a cabinet that makes concessions to the Army win the understanding of the Seiyukai (Political Friends Association)?

The army has thoroughly offended the Seiyukai this time. Without a plausible reason, the Seiyukai will not be able to pass the budget for increasing the army's staffing in the Diet. The government could issue a decree directly through the Emperor to force the House of Representatives to support the government's budget bill, but this political tactic of using the Emperor as a shield would concentrate the anger of the Democratic Party on individuals. Apart from elders like Ito and Yamagata, can anyone else withstand such pressure?

Although the army maintains a unified stance externally, with both superiors and subordinates expressing their commitment to defending the troop increase plan, the army is actually in complete chaos internally. Previously, under the suppression of Yamagata, Oyama, and others, although the army was dissatisfied with the Choshu faction's monopoly of power, almost no one took any action. Tojo Hideaki was expelled from the General Staff Headquarters by Yamagata after merely saying a few words to him about the dangers of the clans within the army. The Choshu faction's dominance within the army is virtually unshakeable.

However, Terauchi Masatake and Katsura Taro's actions this time directly put Yamagata and Oyama in a precarious position, making the split within the Choshu faction's upper echelons public. Although Yamagata Aritomo did not comment on Terauchi and Katsura's actions, other factions had already sensed problems within the Choshu faction simply from his refusal to allow the two to come to his residence to explain the proposal.

If the Choshu faction were united, outsiders would naturally be unable to take any action and would even have to proceed with caution to avoid the Choshu faction using this as an excuse to seize their positions and place their own people there. However, since a split has already occurred within the Choshu faction, specifically among core figures of the first and second generations like Katsura Taro and Yamagata Aritomo, it's impossible for everyone to remain calm any longer.

Especially for Tamura and others who were quasi-Chōshū members, although they were part of the Chōshū faction, they were not from Chōshū and therefore always had to be treated with caution. Normally, this wasn't a problem, but at this time, these people had to consider which side they should stand on. Unlike those outside the Chōshū faction who could wait and see if the Chōshū faction would fall into internal strife, these quasi-Chōshū members were actually the first to be drawn into the conflict. Although the first and second leaders had not officially broken ties, these unreliable outsiders would naturally be asked to take a stand immediately, and the unreliable ones would be dealt with first.

Tamura Iyozo was the first to sense his precarious situation. He had to choose between Katsura Taro and Yamagata Aritomo, as Yamagata, a close confidant of Kodama, was an enemy of Katsura Taro's faction. However, Yamagata Aritomo, as the leader of the Choshu faction, could accept the influence left by Kodama, but he wouldn't criticize Katsura Taro for Tamura's sake, as this would plunge the Choshu faction into internal strife. History is replete with such examples; Yamagata clearly wouldn't risk undermining his own foundation for the sake of so-called justice.

Tamura hadn't expected that after finally managing to shift the blame for the troop reduction, Terauchi's overbearing proposal would push the responsibility back onto him, making the situation even more precarious than before. Previously, he had only been asked to shoulder the blame for the troop reduction caused by unsuccessful negotiations with the Navy; now, he had become a victim of the conflict between the first and second generations of the Choshu faction. Choosing either option was wrong, and not choosing was even more wrong.

Originally, Tamura only communicated with the Navy privately to protect himself, but now he has to consider how to use the Navy's power to get out of his predicament in the Army.

With Tamura's tip-off, the Navy gained a clearer understanding of the Army's thoughts. At this point, the Navy was no longer considering whether to form a cabinet, but rather whether to form one at all. After all, the Army had already been divided over the issue of troop reduction. It was foreseeable that no matter who formed the cabinet, they would not be able to gain the Army's approval on the issue of troop reduction.

If the Navy's rise to power is solely for the purpose of securing military expansion budgets for the Army, wouldn't that make it a puppet of the Army? Yamamoto was firmly opposed to this, arguing that he would not accept the order to form a cabinet unless the Army made concessions, because he knew that if he took office, the government would collapse due to the Army's opposition, so he might as well continue to be the Navy Minister.

On the contrary, Kawahara wanted to negotiate with the army and persuade them to make certain concessions so that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could smoothly form a cabinet. After all, many personnel adjustments in the navy had already reached a consensus, and they were just waiting for Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to hand over the position of Minister of the Navy. If Yamamoto did not leave, many high-ranking positions could not be changed.

On the night that Kinmochi Saionji announced his resignation, Sukeyuki Ito urgently invited Gonbei Yamamoto, Kawahara, and others to his residence to confirm the formation of a cabinet, as the matter could no longer be delayed.

Yamamoto Gonbei arrived as promised, but after entering Ito's residence, he looked at the people present and raised a question, "Why isn't Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi Nobuyoshi here? Wasn't he the main initiator of the disarmament issue? He can't possibly shirk his responsibilities at this time."

Ito and Kawahara didn't immediately see anything wrong with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's words. Although the attendees were all high-ranking naval officers, essentially representatives of various naval factions, it was certainly unreasonable for a lieutenant colonel to appear in such a setting. However, no one thought there was anything wrong with the question Yamamoto raised. After all, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was right; the person who had put the army and the Saionji cabinet in such a predicament today was none other than Hayashi Nobuyoshi's proposed disarmament bill.

If the Navy hadn't proposed disbanding the military, such a fierce conflict wouldn't have erupted between the Army and the Saionji Cabinet, and even the Army would have been internally divided. Naturally, the Navy wouldn't have had a chance to discuss forming a cabinet. Having single-handedly brought down the Saionji Cabinet and prevented the Army from taking power, Hayashi Nobuyoshi was certainly qualified to be present at this meeting.

Contrary to what others might think, Lin Xinyi's absence from the meeting wasn't due to his rank. The Deputy Chief of the Military Command, Togo Masamichi, explained, "Xinyi is still on his honeymoon. Unlike us old-fashioned folks, when we get married, we just have a banquet to let everyone know, since some people haven't even met their bride before the wedding. But Xinyi and Miss Muzi have known each other for a long time; they were in a free-love relationship, so after the wedding, they went on their honeymoon, learning Western customs. He probably won't be back until the end of October."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe wasn't about to let this go. If the army didn't compromise on the issue of troop reduction, then his cabinet formation would be nothing more than giving up his position as Minister of the Navy—he wouldn't accept such a huge loss. Therefore, he bluntly said, "At such a crucial time, even if you're on your honeymoon, shouldn't you be back? This concerns the future of the navy and the nation. Has Lieutenant Commander Hayashi lost his will to serve the country and the navy just because he's married?"

Togo Masamichi was unimpressed by the serious accusations leveled against him by Yamamoto Kaisho. He knew that Yamamoto was using this as an excuse to gain control of the meeting later. After all, the factions had sent representatives to the meeting today to pressure Yamamoto Gonnohyōe into forming a cabinet, not to discuss how to get concessions from the army after Yamamoto formed a cabinet.

Yamamoto Gonbei was clearly aware of this, which is why he used this excuse to launch an attack. In reality, it was a manifestation of his unwillingness to relinquish the position of Minister of the Sea.

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However, Togo Masamichi quickly responded to Yamamoto's questioning, saying, "Although Nobuyoshi went on his honeymoon, he didn't simply go to enjoy his newlywed life. In fact, he went to Wuhan with Matsukata, the president of Kawasaki Shipbuilding, to meet with representatives from China and India regarding the issues of iron ore and coal imports and steel exports."

The goal of this naval cabinet formation is to build Chiba Prefecture into a heavy industrial center. If the import of iron ore and coking coal and the export of the produced steel cannot be streamlined, then this heavy industrial center will not be a credit to the navy, but rather a huge loss-making project for the navy. I think you, Minister of the Navy Yamamoto, would not want to see this outcome.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was immediately silenced by Togo Masamichi's words, because Togo Masamichi was right. Although the construction project of the heavy industry center had won the Navy support from the political and financial circles, if the completed heavy industry center could not maintain production, then it would become evidence of the Navy's ambition and arrogance, just like the Hokkaido development project.

Even with Kuroda Kiyotaka's reputation, his name was severely damaged by the failure of the Hokkaido development project. He later had to ask Godai Tomoaki's Osaka Trading Company to take over the government-run business. Yamamoto Gonbei believed that he could not compare with the achievements of the elder Kuroda Kiyotaka, and he could not think of anyone who could take over the failed Chiba Prefecture heavy industry center. Therefore, Hayashi Shin-yi's trip to China should not only not be criticized, but we should also expect him to bring back good news.

Seeing his superior and mentor being overshadowed by Togo Masamichi, Saito Minoru, who was also present at the meeting with Yamamoto, quickly stepped in to change the subject, saying, "Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi is always meticulous in his work. The Minister of the Navy wanted him present because he was worried about potential problems. The construction of Chiba Prefecture's heavy industry center is indeed our goal in forming a cabinet, but if we can't resolve the army's proposed expansion plan, then we can't even establish a cabinet. What's the point of talking about policy goals after the cabinet is established? If it's just a one-day trip to the top, then why should the Minister of the Navy embarrass himself in front of the people?"

Although the others didn't say anything after hearing Saito Makoto's words, they actually acknowledged in their hearts that Saito Makoto was right. If the army's problems couldn't be resolved, then Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's cabinet would be resisted by the army, and this cabinet would most likely collapse soon. From Yamamoto Kaisei's perspective, such a day trip was worse than not taking a trip at all.

Of course, the personnel issues within the Navy have now been largely agreed upon. Many people are waiting for Minister of the Navy Yamamoto to relinquish his position so that everyone can move up in rank. At this point, it is clear that everyone except for confidants like Saito Makoto cannot accept Yamamoto's refusal to form a cabinet.

Therefore, although no one spoke out to refute Saito, they all turned their attention to Kawahara Yoichi and Togo Masamichi, hoping that the Military General Staff faction would stand up first to refute Saito's remarks, thus setting the tone for this meeting.

However, Kawahara and Togo seemed more composed than many had guessed. Saito's reasoning, while seemingly reasonable, was actually flawed. The position of Minister of the Navy didn't automatically belong to Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. The Navy's support in forming a cabinet was already a significant favor to the Minister. What problems this cabinet would encounter was Yamamoto's responsibility, not the Navy's. Otherwise, who would be the Prime Minister—the Navy or Yamamoto?

Saito Makoto's remarks essentially treated the Minister of the Navy as the private property of his faction, believing that to force them to relinquish their positions, they must offer something of equal value. This idea is clearly absurd. If the navy truly belonged to anyone, then the Saigo family was obviously more deserving. After all, the navy was taken over and built by Saigo Takamori from the shogunate, and it was Saigo who separated it from the army and the shogunate. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe at most came up with the Six-Six Fleet Plan, securing a budget for the navy, but this budget came from the taxes paid by the people, not from the Yamamoto family's own money.

If Saito were to be refuted on this point, it would be logically sound, but that would be tantamount to tearing up the peaceful coexistence agreement with the Yamamoto-Saito faction, forcing a direct confrontation. Although the Yamamoto faction had become isolated within the navy due to repeatedly choosing the wrong side at several high-level naval meetings, its hard power remained. After all, both Yamamoto and Saito were bureaucrats from central government ministries and had spent their lives navigating personnel struggles.

If Ito and Kawahara hadn't bypassed personnel struggles and instead engaged in a struggle over policy, Yamamoto and Saito wouldn't have been in such a passive position. Although they still held the power to appoint and dismiss personnel in the Navy, they couldn't force everyone to oppose the Kawahara faction through personnel appointments. This was because the new naval policy proposed by Kawahara was the direction that everyone agreed on. Without overthrowing the new policy, it would be too difficult to bring down Kawahara.

Kawahara's side wanted to put Yamamoto Gonnohyōe on the prime minister's throne in order to avoid personnel struggles within the navy. So, although Saitō Makoto's words were unreasonable, he was actually not afraid to go head-to-head with Kawahara and Togo. After all, personnel struggles were his most familiar territory. The power struggles had caused him to lose his status as the successor to the minister without explanation, and he was actually very dissatisfied with that.

However, Kawahara did not intend to let others watch the show. It was inevitable that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe would hand over the position of Minister of the Navy, and Saitō Makoto's possibility of succeeding him as Minister of the Navy had also been eliminated. It can be said that the Yamamoto faction would continue to decline in the Navy. The current Yamamoto faction is at a critical point of transition from prosperity to decline.

At this point, a direct confrontation with the Yamamoto faction would only provoke their anger and wouldn't actually bring any further benefits. This is because if Yamamoto relinquished his position as Minister of the Sea, many members of his faction would abandon this interest group. The situation is that if you don't fight, they'll disintegrate; if you do fight, you'll only get bitten and others will think you're ruthless, needlessly damaging your reputation.

Kawahara Yoichi was well aware that his faction's foundation was even weaker than that of the Yamamoto-Saito faction. Many people had joined him because of the new naval policy, not because they were loyal to him. Although the new naval policy had won in the struggle over policy, he only had the advantage of being a pioneer, which did not mean that he was the only one capable of carrying the banner.

If he and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe were to fight to a standstill, his allies probably wouldn't mind burying them both, then taking over the mantle of the Navy's new direction and leading the navy forward. At this moment when he was about to taste the fruits of victory, Kawahara's concern wasn't about a reversal by Yamamoto's faction, but rather whether his allies would stab him in the back.

Fortunately, Hayashi Nobuyoshi had already prepared a contingency plan for the problem raised by Saito. At this point, Kawahara had to admit that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's assessment of Hayashi Nobuyoshi was correct; Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi's plans were always meticulous and left no major loopholes. It seemed that he had anticipated the army's risky actions and therefore took preemptive measures to address the issue.

After Kawahara and Togo exchanged glances, Togo Masamichi offered a suggestion regarding the army issue raised by Saito Minoru: "Vice Minister Saito's concerns are not unfounded. Since the army is risking a break with the government to propose an expansion plan, it essentially means that the Choshu faction is finding it difficult to suppress the discontent within the military."

While the military expansion plan could not solve the problems caused by the Choshu faction's control over military personnel, it could at least divert the military's attention and thus alleviate dissatisfaction within the army regarding the Choshu faction's high-ranking positions.

Therefore, we believe that completely ignoring the army's proposal is not an option, as it would allow the Choshu faction's conspiracy to succeed, causing the army to turn its anger towards the government. However, accepting the army's expansion plan entirely is also not feasible, because as long as the Choshu faction continues to control the army, regardless of how many divisions the army is organized into, the top positions will always belong to the Choshu faction, and other generals who are not from Choshu will find it difficult to get normal promotions.

In other words, if the government fully accepts the army's proposed expansion plan, the army will then continue to shift its internal conflicts outward, using the expansion of its ranks to quell the resentment of young officers dissatisfied with the Choshu faction's high-ranking positions. To borrow a Chinese proverb, increasing the army's budget is like adding fuel to the fire; the more fuel we provide, the bigger the fire will burn, and it won't solve the problem at all.

Therefore, to solve the problems in the army, the essence is to crack down on the Choshu faction's power grab within the army. Only by establishing a relatively fair and reasonable promotion environment in the army will soldiers stop constantly seeking to expand the organization. Secondly, it is necessary to properly arrange the career paths for retired officers. This is not only an issue for the army but also for our navy.

If capable officers retire and become useless unemployed, who would want to leave the military? Therefore, to solve the army's problems, we must address two aspects: one is to support internal reforms within the army, and the other is to resettle the large number of retired officers resulting from the downsizing.

In this way, the army will not be held hostage by the Choshu faction and fall into confrontation with the government. Once such a confrontation occurs, the Choshu faction will have more means to manipulate the government and the army, and this is what we should be wary of.

Yamamoto Gonbei didn't believe that Togo Masamichi could have come up with this idea, because if Togo Masamichi had this ability, he wouldn't have been able to be instructed by Hayashi Shin'ichi. Whether it was Kawahara or Togo, the top two leaders of the Military Command had almost no independent thought; they simply followed the path given by Hayashi Shin'ichi, and almost everyone thought so.

Although everyone knew this, no one dared to call it out. After all, for the naval high command, turning their subordinates' ideas and achievements into their own was merely a matter of degree, not a question of whether it even existed. This unspoken rule originated from the Shogunate era, where social hierarchy was far more rigid than it is now. Corpors couldn't rise to the rank of sergeant, and sergeants couldn't plot to overthrow their lords. Thus, it became the norm for superiors to appropriate their subordinates' achievements while providing them with protection. After all, taking credit for others wouldn't guarantee a promotion.

Saigo Tsurumi's authority in the navy was, frankly, largely established by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe through personnel reforms. However, it is true that everyone attributes the credit to Saigo and the resentment to Yamamoto.

Now, both Kawahara and Togo are benefiting from Hayashi Nobuyoshi's influence as a student and subordinate. However, Hayashi Nobuyoshi seems to be more capable than Yamamoto Gonbei was back then. Kawahara and Togo couldn't claim all of Hayashi Nobuyoshi's achievements for themselves, which is why it looks like the two of them are being manipulated by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, rather than the two of them taking all of Hayashi Nobuyoshi's credit for themselves.

If Lin Xinyi, like Tojo Hideaki of the Army, was only capable in his professional work but lacked political talent, then we could consider a more radical approach: simply expelling Lin Xinyi from the Navy would leave him with no room to exert his abilities, no matter how outstanding he was.

However, Lin Xinyi's talents were not limited to his professional skills; he also had virtually no weaknesses in other areas. Simply put, Lin Xinyi did not rise to prominence in the navy based on his talent alone. Although everyone acknowledged that Lin Xinyi was indeed capable in military matters, the foundation for his rise in the navy actually lay in his foresight and organizational abilities. The former was the new naval policy, and the latter was the naval seminar.

This meant that any attack on Hayashi Nobuyoshi would first become an enemy of the supporters of the new line and the Naval Research Association. The situation where he was targeted by both the Choshu and Satsuma factions, like Tojo Hideaki, was unlikely to occur with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, who always enjoyed the support of the majority of people in the Navy.

Therefore, the power network of Kawahara, Togo, and Hayashi Nobuyoshi within the Naval General Staff is so difficult to shake, not even including the support of Ito Sukeyuki, who appears to be outside the Navy, for this faction. Togo Masamichi's current approach to dealing with the Army expansion plan is precisely the method Hayashi Nobuyoshi has consistently used: first analyze the specific situation, identify the opponent, and then win over secondary opponents to strike at the main opponent.

While Yamamoto Gonnohyōe felt enlightened upon hearing this, he also felt a growing sense of powerlessness. He would have preferred that the other side couldn't come up with a solution either, as that would at least show that they were still on the same level. However, after Togo's words, he immediately understood why Hayashi Shin'yō had previously suggested establishing a Marine Corps Command and inviting army generals to assist. It was through this matter that the Naval General Staff had established connections with the anti-Chōshū faction within the army, enabling them to now propose measures to counter the army.

The current situation is that before the army even took any risks, Lin Xinyi had already anticipated the army's risks and made arrangements with the anti-Changzhou faction within the army. In doing so, he has now put himself in a difficult position, since they had just expressed their helplessness in dealing with the problem, while the Military Command had already found a solution. This is tantamount to offering his face to the Military Command.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe fell silent, while Saitō Minoru tried to argue further, questioning Togo Masamichi: "What you say sounds idealistic, but promoting reform within the army isn't something that can be done overnight. Forming a cabinet is an immediate issue. The question we need to ask is how to form a cabinet now, not how to coordinate the relationship between the army and the government in the future..."

Kawahara ignored Saito's clamor and said directly to Yamamoto, "The issue of forming a cabinet cannot be delayed. We have just analyzed it. Completely rejecting the army's expansion plan is unacceptable. Therefore, we should accept the pre-war 17th Division structure of the army. This is our bottom line. As for the two divisions that must be disbanded during wartime, we must provide a way out for the disbanded officers and soldiers."

Regarding troop reductions, the navy also has streamlined personnel to resettle, so these two issues can be addressed simultaneously. Our proposed solution is to establish a state-owned power company to develop a nationwide power grid, prohibiting private companies from constructing their own power grids…

Replacing steam with electricity as an energy source was part of the heavy industry development plan, so it wouldn't conflict with the current cabinet's policy goals. However, the army's refusal to back down after resolving the issue of demobilized troops constitutes a provocation against the palace, the government, and even the entire nation.

This isn't just a matter for the navy alone, so naturally the navy shouldn't confront the army alone. Therefore, we should report our solution to the palace before issuing an inquiry, and then request His Majesty to allow the army to express its opinion on this solution before His Majesty, or for the army to come up with another solution. If the army disagrees, and others don't support this solution, then the navy can certainly refuse to form a cabinet. What does the Minister of the Navy think?

After a moment's thought, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe realized that this was the best option he could choose at the moment, at least leaving himself a way out, rather than getting caught up in the infighting within the navy or the direct confrontation between the army and the navy, which were the worst options.

Under the gazes of Kawahara and the others, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe finally nodded in response, "That is indeed a solution..."

As we left Ito Sukeyuki's residence, the moon was already high overhead. Although there were only a few streetlights in Tokyo, the ground emitted a pale, eerie glow under the bright moonlight. Combined with the lanterns hanging outside the carriage, the scenery along the roadside was still faintly visible.

On any other day, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Saitō Minoru would have appreciated the stark contrast to the daytime scenery, as it perfectly suited Japanese aesthetics. However, tonight neither of them had any interest in admiring the night view; in fact, there wasn't even a sound of conversation within the carriage.

After walking several blocks away from the Ito residence, Yamamoto Gonbei finally spoke, "What did you think of today's meeting?"

Although the words were vague and ambiguous, Saito Minoru, who shared the sentiment, instinctively replied, "This isn't a meeting; it's clearly an ultimatum to us. Kawahara and Togo are far too arrogant."

Yamamoto Kaisei sighed and said, "That's not what I'm asking you. I'm asking, do you think Lin Xinyi's previous actions were truly a prediction of today, or were they unintentional and just happened to happen?"

After thinking for a moment, Saito Minoru said rather reluctantly, "If he wasn't confident, he probably wouldn't be in China right now. Obviously, he thought he had everything planned out, which is why he went to China to discuss cooperation."

Yamamoto nodded and said, "That's what I think too. Do you know how to defeat a player who can predict your moves?"

Saito Minoru pondered for a moment before replying, "Shouldn't we let him sit down?"

Yamamoto shook his head and said, "Don't sit opposite him. After I relinquish my position as minister, you will go to the General Staff. If you can't get Hayashi Shin-yi to become your man, then you will never be able to become minister."

Saito Minoru said with some surprise, "Me, go to the Naval General Staff? The Naval General Staff is the territory of Kawahara and Togo. I would rather go to the fleet than go to the Naval General Staff."

Yamamoto sighed inwardly. Saito Minoru clearly had no intention of leading the navy forward; he only wanted a lower-ranking position, otherwise he wouldn't have said such things. He had to explain, "Kawahara and Togo were both at the Naval Academy before. Where would the Naval General Staff get their loyal followers? The Naval General Staff is practically Hayashi Nobuyoshi's territory now. If you can win him over, the Naval General Staff is your territory. What conflict do you have with Hayashi Nobuyoshi? By the time he's qualified to be a minister, you'll have already stepped down, so why bother getting angry with a young man..."

643

October is the best time of year in Wuhan. The bright sunshine bathes the three towns of Wuhan, making it look like a city bathed in sunshine. Unlike the rainy weather in Tokyo, Wuhan is almost always sunny before autumn, which Yoshida Shigeru particularly likes about the city's climate.

After the great powers forced open China's doors, Wuhan, located in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River, became a central city of interest to them. If Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Tianjin were the central cities radiating from the coast to the interior of China, then Wuhan was the central city radiating from the entire southern part of China. The Yangtze River waterway provided a convenient and fast passage for the city, enabling the great powers to mobilize their forces from the coast to Wuhan in a very short time.

Therefore, the great powers had always sought to manage the Yangtze River as a public waterway rather than an inland waterway of China. If it weren't for the rise of the Wuhan regime, the Boxer Protocol would have already allowed the great powers to achieve their initial goals. The rise of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Regime was so rapid that not only did the great powers find it difficult to understand, but even Shigeru Yoshida found this strange regime hard to comprehend.

Why did Shigeru Yoshida find the Wuhan regime strange? Because he didn't see much influence from traditional culture in Wuhan. The three East Asian countries share a common language and culture—this wasn't just a slogan, but a fact that the elites of those three countries could genuinely communicate using Chinese characters and cultural allusions.

Therefore, when Takasugi Shinsaku traveled to China, he deeply felt the atrocities committed by the Western powers and believed that they would inevitably treat Japan in the same way, rather than thinking that Japan could treat the Chinese in the same way. Similarly, the Enlightenment Party of Korea chose Japan over the conservative forces in Korea, also believing in the unity of Japan and Korea. They thought it was better to recognize Japan as the suzerain state and reform the old Korean system than to let Korea become a colony of the Western powers.

These historical records show that the reformist forces in Japan and Korea, in advocating enlightenment and reform, were essentially trying to preserve the essence of their own culture in order to avoid national extinction.

Japan, however, went further, even abandoning Buddhism, which represented Han culture, in an attempt to establish an indigenous culture centered on Shintoism. Korea, on the other hand, had less independence and was too closely connected to Central Plains culture, thus advocating the preservation of Confucianism and the orthodox traditions of Chinese civilization, and therefore needed Western technology.

As for the Self-Strengthening Movement of the Qing Dynasty, in essence, the Manchu and Han ethnic groups never reached a consensus. The Manchus hoped to learn Western technology to suppress the Han revolution, while the Han literati hoped to learn Western technology to protect the Confucian tradition. This Confucian tradition actually had little to do with Chinese tradition, but was an ideological shackle that maintained the rule of the landlord class.

Looking at the processes of enlightenment and reform in the three East Asian countries, Japan was undoubtedly the most radical, followed by Korea, while the Qing Dynasty was the most reactionary. This is because the Qing upper class was not concerned with protecting their own cultural traditions, but rather with suppressing revolution. Therefore, after defeating China, the Japanese held a condescending attitude towards the Qing people, believing them to be uncivilized and barbarians, which is why they were defeated by tiny Japan.

The shift in the Japanese mindset before and after the First Sino-Japanese War led to a period of disdain among Japanese elites for Han culture. After Japan's victory over the Qing Dynasty, it was difficult for the Japanese to acknowledge Han culture as advanced and civilized. After all, the Han people had been ruled by barbarians for over two centuries and were now unable to contend with Western civilization, thus viewing Han culture as a weak culture.