Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 169

Chapter 583

Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's authority within the Navy has recently been somewhat shaken, his public image has always been known for its toughness, especially when he is in the right and shows no respect for others, even in front of Yamagata Genrō.

Although Terauchi Masatake and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe were born in the same year, Terauchi Masatake was far less experienced than Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had not served on warships much, he had participated in the Anglo-Satsuma War and the Boshin War, so his experience was actually similar to that of Yamagata Aritomo. Terauchi Masatake, on the other hand, was just a lowly soldier during the Boshin War.

In terms of their military background, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was Terauchi Masatake's senior in the army. Faced with Yamamoto's mockery, Terauchi could only sit down, his face flushed. He simply couldn't offer a compelling rebuttal to Yamamoto's argument that the army's support for the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and its friendly relations with the United States was a guiding principle for advancing the army's development—the Continental Policy.

In fact, before the outbreak of this war, the army's upper echelons even advocated pledging Manchuria to the United States after the war, thus creating a situation where Japan, Britain, and the United States would divide China. However, the British refused to allow the United States to replace Russia in controlling Manchuria, the navy was unwilling to have the US Navy in the Pacific, and the forces within the army who wanted to monopolize Manchuria strongly opposed it, so the plan to bring the United States into Manchuria gradually lost support.

However, the alliance with Britain and the friendly relations with the United States ultimately led to restrictions on the development of the navy, which in turn gave the army more freedom of action on the mainland. Terauchi Masatake was well aware of this.

Previously, the Navy was unable to implement its southward expansion policy and had to follow in the Army's footsteps to expand its fleet. However, the Navy now appears to have found a way to implement the southward expansion policy, and therefore holds opposing views to the Army on both political and diplomatic matters. Yamamoto Kaido's rebuttal of his and Yamagata Genro's statements essentially indicates that the Navy intends to part ways with the Army.

To suppress the navy's unrest, the emperor's authority is needed on one hand, and the navy's ideology must be undermined on the other, but the army is currently unable to do either.

Having just won a major naval victory, the navy enjoyed unparalleled prestige. The Emperor could not afford to suppress the navy at this time, as this would only damage his own image. Ideologically, with the rise of Wuhan and Germany's strong support for it, the army's continental policy had effectively reached a bottleneck. The army was not confident in subduing China and even worried about the threat posed to the Korean Peninsula by Sino-Russian rapprochement.

The current situation for Japan in East Asia is that if it launches a war against China, no one is willing to stand on Japan's side. In the long run, apart from Russia, no one will support Japan. However, Russia is an unreliable friend to Japan, and Japan also has to worry that Russia will find an opportunity to avenge the war.

Advocating for peace in East Asia would mean that the navy would dominate Japan's foreign policy and could potentially force the army to downsize, breaking the existing balance of power between the land and the sea. This is precisely what makes Terauchi Masatake's situation difficult. He knows he should seek reconciliation with China, or at least buy time to annex South Korea, but he really doesn't want to become the Minister of the Army who abandons the army's dominant position in defense, because that would ruin his image within the army.

However, the situation would not change because of the Army's will. Saionji Kinmochi convened this meeting to resolve the current government's predicament in domestic and foreign affairs, not to watch the Army and Navy engage in a war of words. Therefore, taking advantage of the moment when the Army Minister was verbally defeated by the Navy Minister Yamamoto, he naturally asked the Navy Minister Yamamoto: "Putting the defense issue aside for now, the Navy previously opposed the plan to nationalize private railways and advocated strengthening the foundation of heavy industry first. Does the Navy have any more concrete plans?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe remained silent for a few seconds before coldly saying, "Of course the Navy has a plan. However, building a steel plant would take at least three years. If we cannot achieve external peace, it is nothing short of wishful thinking to develop heavy industry while fighting a war. If the government cannot end the war, or intends to enter the next war soon, then we should be discussing how to prepare for war, not any other plans."

Saionji Kinmochi immediately seized the opportunity, saying, "If the navy's plan can indeed gain everyone's approval, then I believe no one will oppose peace. Elder Yamagata, Minister of the Army, what do you think?"

Yamagata Aritomo glanced at the expressions of everyone present and could only reply to Saionji Kinmochi: "If the Navy's plan can gain everyone's approval, then of course I will not object."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe continued only after Terauchi, the Minister of the Army, had also made a commitment: "Since the Army is willing to submit to the overall situation, the Navy is naturally willing to submit a proposal. However, the Navy is submitting a comprehensive plan; strengthening the heavy industry base is only one part of it. Therefore, I hope that the plan's architect will personally present it, so that everyone can more clearly understand the significance of the Navy's proposal..."

Upon hearing this, Yamagata Aritomo frowned and interrupted, saying, "It's a waste of time to go find someone now. Since Yamamoto Kaisho has already heard this plan and thinks it's feasible, then please give a brief summary of it. If everyone really thinks it's good, then it's not too late to call someone over."

Yamamoto Gonbei replied, "These days I've been thinking about war preparations, so I haven't been studying construction matters. If you ask me to give a brief explanation, I'm afraid I might misremember. After all, it concerns the future of the empire, so it's best to be cautious. Besides, just in case, I've already sent the planner with me. He's in the official residence, so there's no need to go looking for him."

Terauchi Masatake couldn't help but retort, "The Navy was well-prepared, huh?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe replied bluntly, "Of course, the navy never waits until after the war to formulate a battle plan. After all, a warship costs hundreds of thousands or even millions of yen, which is the hard-earned money of the people and cannot be replenished by a postcard."

Terauchi Masatake was silenced once again by Yamamoto Gonbei. He realized that Yamamoto Kaisō's level of cursing had improved by leaps and bounds compared to the past, as if he had gone to some place for further training, and he could now insult people in a roundabout way.

Saionji Kinmochi felt no sympathy for the setback suffered by Minister of the Imperial Household. As a disciple of Ito Hirobumi, his political ideals naturally followed those of Ito Hirobumi: one was to respect the Imperial Family, and the other was to protect the achievements of the Meiji Restoration.

However, it is clear that the army has not yet emerged from the early feudalistic politics. Military figures like Yamagata Aritomo from the Choshu faction still attempt to maintain the military's detached status and influence government actions. The collapse of the Ito and Katsura Taro cabinets was due to the army's blind arrogance and disregard for the bigger picture. The current crisis facing the cabinet is similarly due to the army's insistence on its continental policy; the army has effectively become the biggest hidden danger to constitutional politics.

Hirobumi Ito's reason for appointing the first Resident-General of Korea was to establish a responsible cabinet and set an example for cabinet leadership of the military. According to the Japanese Constitution, the military is directly subordinate to the Emperor, and no one else has the right to interfere in military affairs. In other words, the cabinet has no right to issue orders to the military. Therefore, although the Resident-General of Korea is appointed by the government, if a civilian holds this position, he would not have the authority to command the Japanese army and navy stationed in Korea.

However, Ito Hirobumi previously served as the president of the Imperial Household System Research Bureau, where he investigated the relationship between the Imperial Household and the Imperial Household and formulated laws to distinguish between them, namely the Imperial Household Law. The Imperial Household Law was essentially a supplement to the Meiji Constitution, legally regulating the status of the Imperial Household and transforming official documents into official ordinances. It stipulated that all legal orders required the Prime Minister's approval to take effect, thus checking the military's power to submit orders directly to the emperor.

Furthermore, with civilian officials appointed as Resident-General of Korea, bringing the army and navy stationed in Korea under their command, the military's independent status was effectively abolished institutionally. Army generals stationed in Korea were perplexed by Ito Hirobumi's attempts to command the troops and were engaged in verbal sparring with him over this; naturally, Saionji Kinmochi had no goodwill towards the army.

Therefore, he quickly advised, "Since the Minister of the Sea has already brought the person, let him come in and explain the plan. It can't be a bad thing to explain the plan in more detail."

Ito Sukeyuki and Matsukata Masayoshi also echoed Saionji's suggestion. Inoue Kaoru then advised Yamagata, "Lord Yamagata, I think it would be better to let the navy explain the plan in detail. If the army has any objections, they can raise them directly later. Otherwise, there's nothing to discuss today."

Yamagata Aritomo glanced at Inoue Kaoru, who knew nothing, and then at the others. He suspected that the Navy was definitely hiding some kind of conspiracy; otherwise, they wouldn't have insisted on having someone explain the plan. If it were up to him, he would naturally hope to refuse the person out for reasons that were against the rules. That way, even if the Navy had some kind of conspiracy, they wouldn't be able to use it.

However, Inoue Kaoru's warning proved effective. If the meeting couldn't proceed and Saionji resigned, the Army would essentially have brought down two cabinets. Coupled with the collapse of the Katsura Taro cabinet, the Army's reputation would be irreparably damaged. Would anyone else step in to clean up the mess for the Army? Or would the Army itself step in and take the blame?

Yamagata could only nod in agreement, allowing the Navy Minister to call the person into the conference room to explain the Navy's overall plan. In fact, he was about 80-90% certain that this person should be Hayashi Shin-yi. Then, when a young naval lieutenant commander walked into the conference room carrying a roll of blueprints, Yamagata knew that his guess was probably correct.

Upon entering the conference room, Lin Xinyi glanced at the layout. It was entirely Western-style, clearly a result of the reformed government's adoption of Western practices. After a brief look, he asked the staff at the official residence to hang the map he was holding on the wall directly opposite the conference table, covering the original map.

After a brief self-introduction, Lin Xinyi was about to get down to business when Yamagata Aritomo suddenly interrupted him and asked, "You're Lieutenant Colonel Lin Xinyi...?"

Inoue Kaoru and Saionji both scrutinized the young officer upon hearing the name. They had both read the young man's articles through Ito Hirobumi, but had never actually met him. At first glance, they both had the same thought: Lin Xinyi himself seemed much younger than his written articles suggested. In their minds, someone who could write those articles should be at least thirty years old.

Under the scrutinizing gazes of these powerful figures, Lin Xinyi managed to remain calm and reply to Shan County, "Yes, I am Lin Xinyi."

Yamagata Aritomo glanced at him a few more times and noticed that his eyes were clear, without any panic or evasion. He then waved his hand and said, "It's alright, you can start explaining now. But those present are all important ministers who govern the country. They can't tolerate any nonsense. You should speak properly and not make any unrealistic boasts."

Hayashi Nobuyoshi completely disregarded Yamagata Aritomo's warning. His purpose in being there was to disrupt the army's formation, so it was impossible for him not to boast. After nodding to the senior ministers around the conference table, Hayashi Nobuyoshi looked up at them and said, "The motivation for this plan stems from two questions. The first question is, what kind of world does Japan need? The second question is, what kind of Japan does the world need…"

Yamagata Aritomo felt his eyelids twitch suddenly. After hearing these two questions, he knew that Lin Xinyi was probably about to formally put forward the theory of the opposition between the old and new worlds. This was not good news for the army. It was not that the theory of two worlds was bad, but that the army did not yet have the means to counter this theory.

Terauchi Masatake clearly understood this as well. After exchanging a glance with Yamagata, he couldn't wait to interrupt Lin Xinyi, saying, "There's no need to retreat that far. Just tell us the specific plan. Don't talk about anything else. Our time is very precious. We have many things to discuss today. Of course, you can submit a detailed written report after the meeting, and we will take the time to look at it."

Yamamoto Gonbei raised the corners of his mouth and said to Terauchi Masatake, "If we don't explain the relevant background, I'm worried that some people won't understand, and that would just be a waste of time."

Terauchi Masatake retorted, not to be outdone: "Does the Navy think we can't even understand a simple plan? If that's the case, wouldn't it be more efficient for the Navy to just issue orders and everyone to follow them?"

Yamamoto Gonbei didn't really care. He would be happy no matter who made a fool of themselves, Terauchi Masatake or Hayashi Nobuyoshi. So he quickly turned to Hayashi Nobuyoshi and said, "Since Minister Terauchi wants to save time, then Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi, just tell me your plan."

Lin Xinyi was silent for a moment, then agreed to Yamamoto Kaisho. He walked to the map hanging on the wall, pointed to the black lines on the map and said: "Starting from Tokyo, along the Tokaido and Sanyodo, we will pass through Shimonoseki and enter Kyushu Island. Then we will cross the Tsushima Strait to reach Tsushima Island. Busan is right across from there. From Busan to Shenyang, we can connect to Moscow via the South Manchurian Railway, the Chinese Eastern Railway, and the Trans-Siberian Railway. Alternatively, we can transfer to the railway between the Great Wall and the Inner and Outer Passes from Shenyang, and then go south along the Beijing-Hankou Railway to Guangzhou."

If we expand the two routes further, the Middle East Railway could traverse Outer Mongolia and Xinjiang into Central Asia, eventually reaching the Persian Gulf via Iran, or connecting with the Berlin-Baghdad Railway.

The railway line to Guangzhou in the south can continue south, passing through Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, and the Malay Peninsula to reach Singapore; or it can enter Yunnan through Guangxi and Guizhou, then pass through Myanmar to reach the Indian Ocean coast, and then go west into the Bangladesh and Indian Peninsula regions.

These railway lines either pass through densely populated agricultural areas or resource-rich natural regions. Therefore, once these railways were completed, Japanese goods could be quickly transported to inland Asia, while resources from inland Asia could be continuously transported back to Japan via the railways.

Of all the countries in Asia with modern steel industries, only three—Japan, China, and India—have a combined annual crude steel production of less than 50 tons. This means that when these railway lines are put into operation, they will generate enormous demand for steel. And this demand is precisely the steel consumer market that Japan, eager to develop its heavy industry, desperately needs…

Terauchi Masatake, looking at the map, interrupted with dissatisfaction: "If these railway lines are really built, wouldn't that be helping China? No matter how you look at it, most of these railway lines are within China's territory. The biggest beneficiaries would be China, not Japan, right? Are you designing this plan for China or for Japan?"

Lin Xinyi spread his hands, sighed, and said, "These are the two questions I just wanted to address: What kind of world does Japan need? What kind of Japan does the world need? Discussing specific solutions without considering these two questions is no different from the blind men and the elephant."

For example, whether it's opening the country to the outside world or expelling foreigners, the overthrow of the shogunate is a must; this is the justice pursued by the cause of overthrowing the shogunate. If everyone treated the cause of overthrowing the shogunate as a business to make money, then perhaps we would still be under the rule of the shogunate today.

Mencius said, "Where the Way lies, though a thousand or ten thousand may oppose me, I will go." Isn't righteousness the greatest interest in the world? China is the most populous country within the Confucian cultural sphere and the birthplace of Confucianism. In today's world, where three major cultural spheres are vying for global hegemony, instead of seeking the revival of East Asian culture, Japan is attempting to help Christianity weaken its position. Does the army believe Japan can single-handedly confront the combined forces of Western Christian cultures?

Chapter 584

It was bad enough that Yamamoto Gonbei had silenced him, but now even a young man wanted to teach him a lesson. Terauchi Masatake naturally couldn't tolerate this. He sneered and questioned, "Since the Manchu Qing Dynasty took over China, Chinese civilization has lost the ability to innovate itself. That's why it was defeated by the powerful ships and cannons of Western civilization. The reason why the empire was able to rise was precisely because it broke away from Chinese civilization and learned from Western civilization. Therefore, the empire should naturally integrate into Western civilization and divide East Asia with Western countries. This is the way to protect itself. To confront Western civilization for the sake of morality will only cause the empire to break apart like the Manchu Qing Dynasty. This is just womanly compassion. What benefits are there to speak of?"

Yamagata Aritomo's expression softened upon hearing this. Terauchi had remarked on the consensus of the anti-shogunate heroes. After the First Opium War, some Japanese heroes advocated uniting with the Qing Dynasty to resist the Western powers. However, after the Second Opium War, Takasugi Shinsaku visited China and found that the Chinese had not become more resilient. Upon returning to Japan, he proposed the overthrow of the shogunate and the strengthening of Japan itself. This proposition, after the establishment of the Meiji Restoration government, further evolved into expanding Japan's power on the continent to counter the Western powers.

This kind of social Darwinism was regarded as a golden rule in the early days of reform and opening up. After all, in the first thirty years, China had a flat social structure due to the numerous campaigns to crack down on the privileged class. Even those who enjoyed special supplies were only better off than ordinary people in terms of living conditions, but they could not put the means of production in their own pockets.

After the reform and opening up, those in advantageous positions began to plunder the means of production that belonged to the public. Even ordinary people could follow this huge wave and share some scraps, thus appropriating the fruits of the labor of another group. This phenomenon was like a carp leaping over the dragon gate, which naturally made those strong carp believe that the survival of the strong and the extinction of the weak was the truth of nature. Their wealth came from their own intelligence and talent, rather than from the plunder of the weak.

After winning the First Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese people of the Meiji era held a Darwinist mindset towards China, which was forced to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki. This victory in the war against Russia has further deepened the Japanese people's identification with Darwinism. It is not difficult to break this Japanese delusion. After being hit by two atomic bombs, Japan is not so fanatical about social Darwinism.

Lin Xinyi certainly can't conjure an atomic bomb right now, so he doesn't intend to debate the hypocrisy of Social Darwinism with Terauchi Masatake. Social Darwinists aren't unaware of right and wrong; they just don't believe they can be among the losers. So, arguing with Social Darwinists about right and wrong is meaningless. You have to give them a good beating, make them fall to the bottom and taste the bitterness of failure, and only then will they realize how important social justice is to them.

Lin Xinyi then asked Terauchi Masatake, "Mr. Terauchi, shouldn't the Army have a department dedicated to the study of war history? How does the Army classify wars throughout history?"

Terauchi Masatake looked somewhat bewildered and couldn't help but ask, "Are you trying to avoid my question?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and replied calmly, "No, I just hope that your judgment is based on the true nature of the world, rather than on false appearances. Even someone as wise as you cannot make the right judgment based on wrong information."

Terauchi was furious, but he really couldn't figure out how to respond to Lin Xinyi's question. He genuinely didn't understand the connection between the classification of wars and today's meeting, and he would embarrass himself if he answered incorrectly. Seeing this, Yamagata spoke up to help Terauchi out of the predicament, saying, "Since the Navy has such a deep understanding of war history, why don't you tell us about the Navy's classification of wars? I'd also like to hear how the classification of wars relates to the Minister of the Army's judgment."

Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "The Navy's classification research on war has concluded that wars recorded throughout human history can actually be divided into two categories: wars fought for interests and wars caused by cultural conflicts."

Terauchi Masatake finally came to his senses and questioned, "Even an elementary school student could do this kind of classification. What does this conclusion have to do with my judgment?"

Lin Xinyi looked at the temple and said calmly, "Wars that break out because of interests will eventually end because of the redistribution of interests or the disappearance of interests. For example, the War of the Saltpeter in South America, the American War of Independence, the Hundred Years' War between England and France, the Napoleonic Wars, the Franco-Prussian War, or the war between our country and the Qing Dynasty."

However, wars caused by cultural clashes will not end as long as one side's culture has not completely submitted. Examples include the Roman conquest of Gaul, the war between Carthage and Rome, the Spanish conquest of Central and South America, the American wars against Native Americans, and the wars between Christianity and Islam.

Therefore, His Excellency Terauchi's belief that Japan can integrate into Western civilization treats the cultural conflict between the three major cultural mainstreams—Christianity, Islam, and Confucianism—as a mere struggle for interests. Can a judgment based on such a flawed understanding—that Japan can integrate into Western civilization—be truly correct?

There are only two ways for non-Christian cultures to integrate into Christian cultures. One is like the Native Americans in the United States and the Aboriginal peoples of Australia and New Zealand, where the entire ethnic group was wiped out by Christian culture and then the individuals became Christians. The other is like India, which completely submitted to the British Empire and then had its wealth harvested by the British periodically.

The Mughal dynasty and the governor of Bengal, who were once on friendly terms with Britain, now have their descendants imprisoned on an unknown island. So, how does the army intend to integrate Japan into Western civilization?

All eyes turned to Terauchi Masatake. Everyone was eager to hear how the Army would refute these criticisms. The Army had always explained its continental policy with the concept of "the strong survive, the weak perish," and this ideology had created a rift with the government. In fact, everyone was already quite disgusted with it. The Duke Konoe's theory of Asian redevelopment was essentially an attempt to suppress the Army's continental policy, but it was presented from a Japan-centric perspective. Therefore, it failed to convince the Army; instead, the Army felt that the Duke's theory was nothing more than a woman's sentimentality.

The ideas proposed by Hayashi Nobuyoshi this time are actually quite similar to the Pro-Asianism theory of the Duke of Konoe. However, Hayashi Nobuyoshi does not start from Japan-centrism, but interprets the issue from the perspective of competition among the three major mainstream cultures. According to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's theory, the army's continental policy is completely worthless and needs to be completely overturned and rebuilt. This is much more radical than the Duke of Konoe's idea of ​​restricting the army's actions.

However, while the Duke of the Imperial Guard holds a prestigious position, he is ultimately not aligned with the Navy. Lin Xinyi, however, is now representing the Navy in questioning the Army, effectively bringing the conflict between the two forces into the open. In the past, although the Army and Navy had significant differences, they generally remained united before the government; that is, the military's interests were the common interests of the Army and Navy. But now, it seems the Army and Navy may be parting ways, and naturally, everyone is paying close attention to this.

Terauchi Masatake clearly realized this as well. He subconsciously looked at Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and Ito Sukeyuki and found that the two of them looked calm. This made him wonder if the Navy was planning to challenge the Army on this occasion and then try to correct the situation of the Army dominating the Navy.

After this doubt arose, Terauchi dared not speak recklessly, because he realized after a little thought that today was indeed a good opportunity for the Navy. In front of the elders and ministers, if the Army was refuted by the Navy, even the Imperial Household Agency would probably lean towards the Navy's proposed continental traverse plan.

With Ito absent, the score is now 2-2 between Choshu and Satsuma. However, Inoue Kaoru may not fully support the army, as the Continental Line Project targets the army, not the Choshu clique. Even if Yamagata Genro continues to defend the army, he will likely find it difficult to resist the pressure of this overwhelming trend.

Terauchi Masatake fell silent. Yamagata Aritomo naturally sensed something was amiss. While the "leaving Asia and joining Europe" theory—emphasizing integration with Western civilization—gained support from some proponents of opening the country to the world, it also faced criticism from many traditional intellectual elites. Although Yamagata Aritomo used the "leaving Asia and joining Europe" theory to explain the army's continental expansion policy, he himself was culturally conservative; otherwise, he wouldn't have drafted the heavily conservative "Imperial Rescript to Soldiers" and "Imperial Rescript on Education."

Realizing that dwelling on the issue of cultural warfare would only put the army in an unjust position, Yamagata could only speak up to help Terauchi out of the predicament: "Even disregarding the idea of ​​leaving Asia and joining Europe, these continental railways ultimately point to the Indian subcontinent. Do you think Britain will stand idly by? The Anglo-Japanese Alliance is the cornerstone of the Empire's security. If we support China in building these railways, it would be tantamount to betraying the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. If Britain were to question Japan for this, could the Navy withstand the pressure from the Royal Navy?"

Upon hearing this question, Lin Xinyi simply replied, "Since the Anglo-Japanese Alliance is so important to Japan, these railways should have been completed as soon as possible. The importance of the Anglo-French agreement to Britain depends on the size of the German High Seas Fleet."

Similarly, the importance of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance to Britain lay in whether the Indian subcontinent was threatened by China. If Chinese troops were not present around the Indian subcontinent, would Britain still need the Anglo-Japanese Alliance to guarantee India's security?

Moreover, the Army has consistently emphasized the importance of lifelines and interests, clearly understanding that Japan's security can only be in its own hands, not by relying on the protection of a major power. On this point, the Navy and Army share similar views, except the Navy believes the Army's perspective is too narrow, detached from global cultural and racial conflicts, focusing only on how much Japan can gain from its neighbors.

However, this kind of advantage actually weakened the overall strength of the East Asian cultural sphere, allowing Christian culture to gain a greater advantage. This is no different from the governor of Bengal who invited the wolf into the house. Once China, the most populous ethnic group in the East Asian cultural sphere, was conquered, Japan lost its value to the Christian cultural sphere, and the next step would be the elimination of Japanese culture.

Therefore, the navy sees its lifeline as the Strait of Malacca and the Central Pacific islands, aiming to re-establish its traditional sphere of influence within the East Asian cultural sphere. Its interests lie in the struggle for control of the Indian Ocean region. Although the center of industry is now in Europe, the world's center remains in the Indian Ocean; whoever controls the Indian Ocean controls the main channels of world trade.

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance's effectiveness was limited to the Strait of Malacca. Once the East Asian cultural sphere regained control of Southeast Asia, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance became an obstacle to Japan's progress…

For ministers who were hearing about the theory of cultural clash for the first time, Hayashi Nobuyoshi's remarks were indeed refreshing. However, for Yamagata Aritomo, who had read the article on the opposition between two world systems, Hayashi Nobuyoshi's remarks did not go beyond the scope of the opposition between the old and new worlds; he simply made the opposition more specific.

Although Yamagata Aritomo was not shocked by this, he had to admit that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's theory was quite complete. He even elevated his line of interests and lifeline arguments, using Japan as the starting point and the East Asian cultural sphere as the starting point. The scope of the two sides was immediately widened. Even a continentalist like Yamagata could not help but sigh with admiration, though he only did so in his heart.

Terauchi Masatake, naturally, couldn't let Hayashi Shinichi continue. If he did, the army wouldn't even have a chance to object. He quickly interrupted, asking, "Reviving the East Asian cultural sphere? That's just your imagination. Would the Chinese be willing to cooperate with Japan? We just joined forces with the Chinese to defeat Russia. Look how the Chinese dealt with us. Do you still think China's revival is a good thing for Japan? If China, after its revival, doesn't move south but instead seeks revenge against Japan for the Sino-Japanese War, wouldn't we be raising a tiger to cause trouble?"

Lin Xinyi replied confidently, "Last year, the US stock market crash caused an economic recession in Europe and the United States. You must have heard about this, right?"

Terauchi Masatake asked curiously, "Does this have anything to do with what we're discussing now?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "Of course there is a connection. Ever since the British opened China's doors through the Opium War, the world has actually become a whole through international trade. The kind of closed-off, isolated peasant society of the past can no longer exist."

Russia's expansion into the Far East was precisely triggered by its defeat in the Crimean War. Because it had no way to expand westward, Russia expanded eastward, ultimately becoming Japan's neighbor. Therefore, everything in this world is interconnected. There's a Chinese saying that aptly describes this: "When the leaves fall, we know autumn has arrived." If you see the leaves falling but don't realize autumn has come, then you're simply too oblivious…

Terauchi Masatake felt like he was being lectured by a primary school student, which annoyed him greatly. So he interrupted impatiently, saying, "What do you want to say? Can you just say it directly?"

Lin Xinyi then got to the point, saying, "The recession in Europe and America is caused by overcapacity due to insufficient market consumption. The best way to solve the economic recession is to open up new markets. There are large undeveloped areas in Manchuria, Outer Mongolia, and Eastern Siberia."

Just as the westward expansion of the United States led to the rapid development of American industry, the development of Manchuria, Outer Mongolia, and Eastern Siberia will inevitably bring about a new period of global economic prosperity. Therefore, European and American capital will cooperate with the Chinese to solve their own economic depression.

His Excellency Terauchi's statement that raising a tiger could be a threat may be plausible, but Japan won't be raising this tiger; Western countries will be eager to feed it. What Japan can do is join the development plan to strengthen its national power, instead of being left behind and watching China develop.

Furthermore, there is no cultural conflict between Japan and China; our relationship is purely one of competition for interests. As long as the distribution of these interests is properly coordinated, Japan and China can inevitably achieve a mutually beneficial relationship. That is my assessment.

Upon hearing this, Saionji Kinmochi finally spoke up and asked, "How can the interests between Japan and China be reconciled so that the two sides can turn hostility into friendship?"

Lin Xinyi glanced up at Prime Minister Saionji before replying calmly, "Coordinating international relations and defining the boundaries of national interests are the responsibilities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the government. The Navy should not bear these additional responsibilities. However, I believe that we can seek common ground while reserving differences, but we cannot seek common ground while reserving differences."

Although Lin Xinyi retorted, Saionji wasn't annoyed, because this was exactly what he wanted to hear. If the navy were to give specific instructions to the government and foreign affairs, wouldn't he, as prime minister, become a puppet? Therefore, he still sincerely asked, "What is seeking common ground while reserving differences? What is reserving differences while seeking common ground?"

Lin Xinyi paused for a moment before explaining, "Under the overarching premise of countering the invasion of Christian culture into the East Asian cultural sphere, Japan and China can naturally set aside some secondary conflicts and form a united front. However, if Japan tries to extract benefits from China while simultaneously persuading China to assist Japan in confronting Europe and America, then an agreement will inevitably fail..."

Chapter 585

After Lin Xinyi left, everyone in the conference room stared at the map he had left on the wall, lost in thought. Matsukata Masayoshi, who had remained mostly silent throughout, believed that the outcome of the meeting had been predetermined after Lin Xinyi proposed the continental longitudinal line plan. Apart from the army, all other parties would benefit from this new plan, which meant that at least no one would oppose the navy's proposals anymore.

Thus, the navy has two cards to play. If it continues on the path of external expansion, then the navy's shipbuilding plan will be given priority. If it shifts to the path of domestic development, then the navy's current plan to strengthen its heavy industrial base is the most mature. If the army really has to choose a path of domestic development, it will inevitably choose the path of prioritizing heavy industrialization.

This placed the navy in an invincible position, while the army faced a difficult choice. Going its own way would only further incite public resentment, while yielding to the navy's demands would mean the loss of the army's superior position over the navy established since the Satsuma Rebellion. The army saw no path to victory, only the possibility of minor or major defeats.

Thinking of this, Matsukata Masayoshi, who had originally wanted to observe the situation first, finally spoke up, breaking the dull atmosphere in the conference room, saying, "I think the Navy's proposed continental transcontinental line plan is reasonable. If there are no other options, I think we should use this plan as a basis for discussion."

Inoue Kaoru hesitated for a moment, then nodded in agreement, saying, "Indeed, the Navy's proposed solution is at least the only feasible one at present. If there are no other solutions to compare it with, then we should focus on discussing this case."

Given the strong public backlash against the nationalization of private railways, Inoue felt that the nationalization plan was unlikely to be implemented in the short term. However, the continental railway project could at least save some private railway companies and export Japanese railway capital to the mainland, which would at least be a win-win situation. On the other hand, supporting the army to continue its reckless actions was completely hopeless, and Inoue would naturally not sacrifice his own interests for the sake of the army's reputation.

Yamagata Aritomo glanced at Terauchi Masatake and the other Choshu faction officials, but found that they were all avoiding his gaze, leaving him with mixed feelings. Terauchi Masatake, who was also avoiding Yamagata's gaze, was genuinely helpless. It wasn't that he was persuaded by Hayashi Nobuyoshi's plan, but rather that he realized from Hayashi Nobuyoshi's explanation the Navy's firm determination to oppose continuing the war.

As long as the navy still has even the slightest hesitation about continuing the war, he can still argue it out. After all, in the end, the army and navy will share the responsibility, and the people can't hold both the army and navy accountable at the same time, can they? But the navy's current actions have already shown a break with the army, which means that continuing the war is only the army's idea. If the war falls into an unfavorable situation, and the navy joins the government to settle scores with the army, he can't afford to bear that responsibility.

Whether to yield to the opinions of military officers and take a tough stance with the government, or to obey the government's advice and suppress the officers' discontent, depends on who can better undermine the Minister of the Army, not on which side is more justified. This is not just Terauchi Masatake's personal opinion, but rather the very essence of the Army's character as portrayed by Yamagata Aritomo.

While the "Imperial Edict for Soldiers" was beneficial for Yamagata to control the army, it also completely destroyed the army's sense of responsibility and morality. At this critical juncture, the temple naturally left the decision-making power to Yamagata's elders. Whether or not to jump off the high platform of Kiyomizu-dera Temple was a question that only Yamagata Aritomo could decide, and the people below only needed to blindly follow.

Yamagata Aritomo was old after all. Faced with the large number of new ideas and terms put forward by Lin Xinyi, he could only barely remember them and could not quickly understand the true meaning behind the plan. However, based on his past life experience, he could realize that the Navy must have the intention of using this plan to strike at the Army, and not just to openly deny the Army's continental policy.

However, he also had the same concerns as the temple. It was not difficult to reject the plan to cross the continent, but the most difficult time for him and the army would come after rejecting the plan. If the army could not come up with a new solution to the current internal and external predicament, then when the continental war broke out again and the army was in a disadvantageous position, the army would be excluded from the decision-making circle.

Yamagata Aritomo understood something: his close connection with the army lay in his role as the army's representative in the empire's decision-making circle. Once he was squeezed out of the empire's decision-making circle, his influence on the army would rapidly decline, and a split would occur between the Choshu faction and non-Choshu faction officers within the army.

Why did he insist on increasing the size of the army divisions? The reason was the same as Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's reason for building ships: to accommodate the young officers in the army. The establishment of military academies provided the army and navy with a large number of military talents. However, this educational model of training military talents in batches was obviously not something that the personnel relations of the past warlord armies could handle. For example, could a young officer like Hayashi Shin'i tolerate his inferior peers being ranked above him?

If there's an unwillingness to change the old personnel relationships, then the only option is to create new positions to accommodate these young people; otherwise, incidents of subordinates rebelling against their superiors will occur. The Takebashi Incident before the Sino-Japanese War was a mutiny by the Imperial Guard artillery unit responsible for guarding the Imperial Palace, triggered simply by cuts to their wages and benefits.

After much deliberation, Yamagata Aritomo could only utter one word: "Agreed." The elders' unanimous agreement to discuss the naval plan was undoubtedly good news for Saionji Kinmochi. He had actually planned to resign, but he did not want to leave office in disgrace like Katsura Taro. At least the issue of withdrawing troops from the mainland had to be resolved, so that this cabinet would not be a complete failure and could make a comeback next time.

After the meeting, Saionji wrote a letter to Ito Hirobumi in Korea, reporting on the results of the conference and praising Hayashi Nobuyoshi highly. However, he also expressed concern, saying, "It is indeed a blessing for the nation to have such a talented person with an international perspective in the navy. However, if another leader like Saigo Takamori emerges in the navy, it will be a threat to the authority of the Imperial Household. Figures like the elders, who have the power to influence national politics, will naturally disappear from politics as we grow old. Only when future generations act within the political framework we have established can the nation enjoy stability and long-term peace..."