Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 125

Therefore, before the war, Yamagata had reached a consensus with Ito Hirobumi and others regarding the postwar situation in Manchuria and the Far East. They believed that Manchuria should be transformed into a region for joint development by various countries after the war, thereby using other powers to resist Russia's desire for revenge against Japan. Although he verbally advocated international cooperation in Manchuria, in diplomacy, Yamagata hoped that China would reject other powers and be inclined to cooperate with Japan in developing Manchuria.

However, for pure soldiers like Kodama, they believed that the places where Japanese soldiers shed their blood naturally belonged to Japan. How could they allow the Japanese to shed blood while other powers enjoyed the benefits? As for the Chinese in Manchuria, they were even less concerned. Since the Russians could occupy Manchuria, then Japan could naturally be the master of Manchuria as well.

In order to legitimately seize Russia's postwar interests in Manchuria, Japan naturally needed to win an independent victory against Russia in the war. Thus, after the Battle of Jinzhou, the Manchurian war entered a temporary period of peace. The Chinese army seemed unable to continue fighting, so it built defensive fortifications along the Jinzhou line. Meanwhile, both Japan and Russia were redeploying troops, and both sides seemed to have the idea of ​​launching a decisive battle on a certain battlefield.

As for the powers other than Japan, Britain and the United States had a significantly changed attitude toward Beijing. The British did not want the war to continue indefinitely. What they needed was to divert Russia's attention back to Europe, rather than let Russia get bogged down in the Far East. Therefore, Britain began to actively improve its diplomacy with Beijing and exert influence for the peace that followed.

Under these considerations, Britain decided to make concessions on several issues. First, regarding the opium ban, Britain agreed to a ten-year ban on opium trade into China, assuming a reduction in opium cultivation area. Second, concerning the Weihaiwei leased territory, Britain agreed to return it to China after the war, provided Beijing guaranteed not to expand the German leased territory in Shandong. Third, regarding the reform of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service, Britain agreed to Beijing gradually increasing the proportion of Chinese officials within the Customs Service, but stipulated that the next Imperial Maritime Customs Service official would still be British…

The Americans were more concerned with commercial interests in Manchuria. American railroad tycoons had originally bet on a Japanese victory, hoping to gain control of the Manchurian Railways after the war and thus establish the eastern leg of the global railway network. However, with the Chinese army's successive victories in Zhangjiakou and Jinzhou, the Americans also began to contact the Beijing government, attempting to exchange loans for the postwar control of the Manchurian Railways.

However, the most affected by this war was the domestic political situation. Before the Battle of Jinzhou, some Manchus were still hoping for some miracle that would allow them to turn the tide, such as a great victory for the Russian army leading to the collapse of the Han government, and the foreigners bringing back the Empress Dowager to take control of the government, so that the world would still belong to the Manchus.

Although this hope was slim, it was still far better than expecting the emperor, who had become a traitor to the Manchus, to regain his faith in them. Even his own brother, the now-free Emperor Guangxu, didn't believe in him. It's said that he told those around him, "When I was under house arrest in Yingtai, the only people willing to speak up for me were Han Chinese like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao; not a single Manchu was willing to do so. This shows that while some Han Chinese may have wicked intentions, at least some are still loyal. But the Manchus... they have no heart whatsoever..."

Because Emperor Guangxu, who had just regained his freedom, harbored such deep prejudices against the Manchus and the Empress Dowager's faction, he encountered virtually no obstacles when Wuhan purged Manchu nobles and the Empress Dowager's faction. Although Emperor Guangxu, who had just regained his freedom, did not have much power, as the nominal supreme ruler, if he had opposed the purge launched by Wuhan in the name of the National Assembly, he could at least have saved some people, since Wuhan did not have any firm control over the Beijing area.

However, Emperor Guangxu not only did not obstruct it, but also took an active supportive attitude. Although the forces supporting the Empress Dowager were wiped out in Wuhan, the pillars of the Manchus also collapsed completely. The Manchu governors and generals in various places could only express their dissatisfaction with the National Assembly's decision verbally, but they could not influence the National Assembly's decision at all, because they had no righteous cause to use their power.

The Manchu cities in Chengdu, Hangzhou, and Guangzhou were the first to yield to the National Assembly's decision and dismantle their own walls. While the Manchu cities in Ningxia, Xi'an, and Jiangning refused to dismantle, they could only protect themselves from the hostility of the local Han people and could not go to the capital to defend the emperor. As a result, the more than five million Manchus scattered throughout the region truly became a disorganized mess, with everyone now only concerned with their own survival; the nonsense of protecting the Manchu rule was rarely mentioned anymore.

Judging from the current situation, it's not unreasonable for these Manchus to privately call Emperor Guangxu a traitor. However, the Battle of Jinzhou completely shattered their illusions. After all, this was the first victory for Han Chinese troops against Russian forces. Previously, the Russians had always suffered setbacks in their attacks. This battle proved the courage and fighting power of the Han Chinese, which meant that if the Manchus wanted to compete with the Han Chinese for any more power, they should be prepared to be slaughtered by the Han Chinese.

The Manchus clearly lacked such courage, and they did not believe they were as capable as the Russian army. Since tens of thousands of Russian troops could not deal with a portion of the Han Chinese forces, how could the Manchu army, which could not even handle a few hundred Russian troops, fight against the Han Chinese? The defeat of the First Division of the Beiyang Army not only made the Han Chinese look down on the Manchus, but in fact, even the Manchus themselves looked down on themselves.

Even the most self-reliant and principled Manchus in Beijing dared to openly denounce the imperial clan as a bunch of scoundrels, who dared not die for the Qing Dynasty and even formed the Zongshe Party. Wasn't this just coercing the lower-class Manchus to act like scoundrels against the Han Chinese, hoping that the Han Chinese wouldn't dare to carry out a massacre? If the Han Chinese were to actually massacre the Manchus, these Zongshe Party members would have already fled to the foreign concessions, since they still had their wealth to live as recluses.

Chapter 444 Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao

As Yuan Shikai's reputation began to rise, although he was previously hailed as a capable minister, his seniority was insufficient to compare with faction leaders like Li Hongzhang, Liu Kunyi, and Zhang Zhidong. Furthermore, his change of stance during the Hundred Days' Reform rendered him unpopular. This was why Empress Dowager Cixi and Ronglu were willing to employ Yuan Shikai—capable but lacking prestige.

However, with the emergence of the Boxer Rebellion, the people no longer cared for incompetent but morally upright gentlemen, and even felt disgusted with the Qing Dynasty. However, maintaining a unified state was the best way to save the country, since a fragmented China would be even more difficult to resist the invasion of foreign powers. At this time, the ability of politicians was far more important than personal morality.

Yuan Shikai, who was unanimously regarded by foreigners as a capable man, became the hope of the gentry and intellectuals who wanted to preserve the country. This country referred to the country that protected their property and future, not the new world in Wuhan that tried to divide their property and destroy their future. Therefore, Yuan Shikai's reputation was gradually rising. With the victory in the Battle of Jinzhou, this reputation finally washed away his previous infamy for betraying the emperor and empress dowager.

The figures who originally stood by Emperor Guangxu, such as Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, who were die-hards who completely rejected any reform, had all been labeled as the Empress Dowager's faction and driven out of the center of power. However, the former reformists split again into conservatives and reformists. Kang Youwei was a conservative among the reformists. He advocated restoring the Hundred Days' Reform and refused to switch from enlightened autocracy to a constitutional monarchy. Liang Qichao, on the other hand, became increasingly supportive of the constitutional monarchy as the domestic situation changed.

The internal strife among the reformers wasted six months of Guangxu's return to power, achieving nothing. They merely promoted their loyalty to Guangxu in the newspapers and obtained a few positions as close advisors to him, but these positions had nothing to do with the government and simply replaced the functions of the former Imperial Household Department.

In contrast, Wuhan and Beiyang, one reiterated its political ideology in the National Assembly, while the other, taking advantage of its proximity to the capital, controlled many powerful departments in the central government. Meanwhile, the reformers accomplished nothing in six months and instead caused a farce of discord between Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao.

Ultimately, the purpose of Kang Youwei and other reformers who fled overseas returning to China was not to continue the reform movement, but to realize the benefits they had gained from their years of loyalty to the emperor while in exile. Kang Youwei had presented himself overseas as the leader of the reform movement and the only loyalist leader in China, thus earning him the nickname "Saint Kang."

People overseas supported and followed Kang Youwei, naturally hoping to be rewarded when he returned to China and was given important positions, not to engage in any great cause of saving the country. Therefore, those who followed Kang Youwei into exile abroad naturally went to great lengths to praise his insights and talents upon their return, much like the sentiment that "if Kang Youwei doesn't leave the South China Sea, what can the world do?"

However, the true backbone of the reformists, the one who could truly unite them, was actually Liang Qichao. Unlike Kang Youwei, who only boasted about how favored he was by Emperor Guangxu and how he played a leading role in the Hundred Days' Reform, Liang Qichao genuinely had his own political ideals, although these ideals were not stable, causing him to frequently waver between reform and revolution.

However, precisely because Liang Qichao held such political ideals, he actually maintained good relationships with the revolutionaries, the workers' party, and the constitutionalists. This allowed them to exchange and debate on political ideas, rather than resorting to violence as they did with the conservatives.

Therefore, before Yuan Shikai had truly secured his position as Chairman of the State Council, he was still willing to give Liang Qichao a position, thereby uniting the reformists and constitutionalists who favored Liang Qichao. However, this created a conflict between Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao. While the personal conflict between Kang and Liang was relatively easy to resolve, the conflict among their followers undoubtedly amplified the controversy.

To prevent infighting among the reformers, Liang Qichao declined Yuan Shikai's recommendation, meaning the reformers gained almost nothing in this round of power struggles involving the Manchus and the Empress Dowager Cixi. Things in the world are always a matter of ebb and flow; the reformers' inability to expand meant they lost many supporters. Everyone wants to move upwards, not downwards; otherwise, the reformers wouldn't have needed to flee overseas.

When news of the victory at Jinzhou arrived, Kang Youwei realized that the internal strife within the reformist faction could not continue; if it did, even the emperor might not survive. Neither Yuan Shikai nor Wu Qian had much interest in the imperial system. Yuan Shikai could no longer remain loyal to Emperor Guangxu, which was a major reason why he actively obstructed Kang Youwei's rise to power.

Because Kang Youwei almost presented himself as the political spokesperson for Emperor Guangxu, allowing him to take the lead meant that Kang Youwei had the opportunity to bring those who supported the imperial system under his command. This obviously threatened the very foundation of the Beiyang government, since the only way the Beiyang government could continue to resist the Wuhan government was to win over scholars with traditional values.

As for Wuhan, they went even further. They never even declared themselves subjects loyal to the monarch in the National Assembly, but only claimed to be representatives of the people. Wuhan's purge of Manchus and the Empress Dowager's faction, and its actions to reorganize the palace, clearly showed a disregard for the imperial family. Anyone with even a shred of reverence for imperial power would have considered the possibility of future retaliation from the emperor.

Kang Youwei was able to fight Liang Qichao because he couldn't come up with any ideas for political reform. In recent years, he had wasted his time overseas on fundraising, taking concubines, writing books, and investing. He never thought about engaging in politics because he didn't believe he could return to China to do politics. This was also why he refused to join forces with Liang Qichao and the revolutionaries. If returning to China was hopeless, he at least had to maintain his image as a loyal subject of the emperor so that he could raise funds among overseas Chinese.

The fact that the Empress Dowager Cixi's faction would fall before her death was something no one had anticipated. Therefore, although Kang Youwei returned to China in haste, he could only grasp the principles of the Hundred Days' Reform as his political stance. Without this, he would have been completely led by Liang Qichao. He was unwilling to give up the opportunity to rise to power, not even to his followers.

When Kang Youwei fled overseas, although there was some dissatisfaction with the Manchu conservatives in China, the Manchu court's rule was still quite stable from any perspective. Although the Empress Dowager's party used abnormal means to place Emperor Guangxu under house arrest, it was still essentially a manifestation of imperial power, only that this power was not in Emperor Guangxu's hands.

Therefore, after Kang Youwei returned to China, the Qing Dynasty in his mind was the one before the Boxer Rebellion. Although it was lifeless, the emperor's power was still almost unlimited, and the officials below could not shake the imperial power at all. This was also the reason why he opposed constitutional monarchy. He believed that as long as the emperor's legitimacy was established, the people of the world would automatically unite under his banner, and it would be impossible for traitors like Yuan Shikai and Wu Zetian to shake it. On the contrary, he believed that constitutional monarchy would give these traitors the opportunity to suppress imperial power.

However, the Battle of Jinzhou shattered his illusions. The newspapers did not attribute this great victory to the emperor, but instead linked it to Yuan Shikai. Surprisingly, people did not see this as an overstepping of authority, but instead praised Yuan Shikai, believing that only the Beiyang Army and Wuhan could save China. Emperor Guangxu became an insignificant bystander in this victory.

Kang Youwei finally truly understood the changing domestic situation and why Liang Qichao insisted on a constitutional monarchy. Times had changed. In the past, the reformers represented the changes the people desired, but now the people had gone further, and reform had become outdated. If these reformers continued to oppose constitutionalism, they would only be further marginalized by the constitutionalists and revolutionaries, ultimately being driven off the political stage like the conservatives.

Therefore, Kang Youwei finally changed his mind and supported Liang Qichao's proposed constitutional monarchy. He admitted to Emperor Guangxu: "Rather than watching Yuan Shikai and those people in Wuhan continuously reduce the emperor's power for their own selfish gain, it would be better to use a constitution to regulate the emperor's power, at least to let the world know that what they are doing is an infringement on the emperor's power..."

Emperor Guangxu was actually more open-minded than Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, because he had never experienced the so-called power of an emperor. To be honest, he felt that his greatest power was personal freedom, which was more real than any other power.

Whether it was the so-called continuation of the reform movement or the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, he saw them as matters that had little to do with him. Just as when his brother came to persuade him to show leniency towards the Manchus, he knew that his connection with them had been severed. He could listen to Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao's nagging because at least they were loyal to him, but who else besides Kang and Liang would take him, the emperor, seriously? Therefore, he always tried to mediate between Kang and Liang, which is why their conflict never truly broke out—because the emperor showed no particular inclination.

Emperor Guangxu was overjoyed that Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao had reached an agreement, finally freeing him from having to act as a peacemaker between the two. As for whether a constitutional monarchy could actually be established, he didn't care; as long as he wasn't imprisoned in Yingtai again, he was willing to accept anything.

With the approval of his teacher Kang Youwei and the support of Emperor Guangxu, Liang Qichao could finally focus his energy on the political struggle against the Beiyang government and the Wuhan government. The by-election members of parliament had begun arriving in Beijing, allowing the parliament to finally convene formally. These by-election members were mainly representatives of the constitutionalists, the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance), and the Workers' Party, meaning that the parliament had become entirely a struggle among Han Chinese. The Manchu and Mongol members, who had some influence in the parliament last year, were completely marginalized this year.

While Liang Qichao focused his energy on the National Assembly, advocating for a constitutional monarchy, Yuan Shikai also brought Yang Du into the National Assembly, hoping to use this advocate of constitutional monarchy to establish a constitutional monarchy that suited the interests of the Beiyang government. Although Liang Qichao and Yang Du shared the same goal of promoting a constitutional monarchy, Liang's aim was to clarify the relationship between the monarch and his subjects, while Yang Du's aim was to limit the power of the monarch.

Of course, most constitutionalists don't actually understand what a constitutional monarchy is. They just feel that the Manchu dynasty is no longer sustainable, but the republican system pursued by the revolutionaries harms their interests. Therefore, they choose a compromise and hope to eliminate the revolution by using a constitutional monarchy.

Chapter 445 Legitimate Struggle

The former Russian Legation in Beijing, located northeast of several bungalows, is now enclosed by a wall. This area was originally the dormitory for the Russian Legation staff, but it has now been converted into the office and dormitory of the Wuhan representative office in Beijing.

Beijing was still quite cold at the end of January, but the bungalow was warm and cozy inside because the Russians had installed Russian-style fireplaces in the rooms. So everyone could take off their heavy coats to conduct business and work inside the bungalow, which was much more comfortable than the winter in the south.

However, the flames burning in the fireplace could not match the intensity of the atmosphere in the room. Shen Xiangyun said to the comrades in the room: "Although the Battle of Jinzhou greatly boosted the morale of our people, it also greatly increased the prestige of the Beiyang Army. Yuan Shikai wants to take advantage of this momentum to promote the drafting of a constitution by the National Assembly in order to consolidate his power."

After all, his current position as Chairman of the State Council is neither high nor low. He can neither represent the Emperor nor gain the public support of the people. In essence, he is just someone publicly elected by the governors and viceroys of various regions to preside over the daily work of the central government. He does not have any coercive power over the regions. If our National Assembly does not endorse him, then the policies formulated by the State Council will lack legal basis.

Therefore, drafting a constitution and formally establishing a responsible cabinet system was actually most beneficial to Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang government. Constitutional drafting wasn't just Yuan Shikai's desire; Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, and public opinion across the country also supported it. The entire nation now believed that the sooner a constitution was drafted, the sooner the country would achieve stability—this was the prevailing trend.

We cannot go against the tide, therefore I believe we should also support constitutionalism and then fight for the rights we want during the process of drafting the constitution…

Shen Xiangyun's words received support from many representatives stationed in Beijing. Even Tang Caichang and Ji Yihui nodded in agreement with his proposal. They believed that constitutional reform had become the common aspiration of the people. Wuhan had always claimed to represent the will of the people. Going against the people's wishes at this time would obviously be counterproductive.

However, while everyone was echoing Shen Xiangyun, Qin Lishan remained silent. Tang Caichang, who had originally wanted to express his opinion, finally noticed Qin Lishan's solemn expression and changed his mind to ask him, "Lishan, what is your opinion on constitutionalism?"

Qin Lishan, who was sitting by the fireplace adding firewood, turned his gaze away from the flames upon hearing this. He straightened up, looked around at everyone in the room to draw their attention to him, and then said, "Actually, before we went to the capital, there was a discussion within the party about convening the National Assembly."

At the time, many comrades within the Party believed that since our goal was to overthrow the Qing Dynasty, why should we urge the court to convene a national assembly to save this corrupt regime? If the court actually launched a self-salvation movement, how could we continue the revolution? Wouldn't we be shooting ourselves in the foot?

Upon hearing Qin Lishan's words, the comrades in the room immediately recalled this meeting. In fact, many of them had opposed the court convening a national assembly. Now, they suddenly remembered their past stance and were at a loss for words.

Tang Caichang quickly stepped in to smooth things over, saying, "Times have changed. We're not discussing the impact of convening a parliament on the revolution now, but rather the necessity of drafting a constitution. These two things cannot be confused..."

Qin Lishan raised his voice to interrupt Tang Caichang, saying, "I'm not trying to remind you of our stance at the time, but rather I hope you'll think about how Comrade Lin Feng persuaded us. He said at the time: We don't fight for legitimacy, but we cannot abandon the legal means of struggle."

We are not requesting the court to convene a parliament for the sake of gaining a seat; we are suggesting that the court convene a parliament because we want to use this legitimate battlefield to fight against the court. Because on this battlefield, the court will be forced to declare its class stance, thereby completely eliminating any illusions held by comrades who still harbor any hope of class reconciliation.

Tang Caichang stopped trying to interrupt Qin Lishan and began to think thoughtfully. Qin Lishan continued, "I think everyone knows what we've been doing since we came to Beijing to attend this National Assembly. In the past six months, we've only had one purpose: to weaken the Manchus' ruling power and thus dismantle the pillars of the Qing Dynasty's rule."

Everyone agreed with Qin Lishan's statement, but they still didn't understand its connection to opposing or supporting constitutional reform. However, Qin Lishan then addressed this point.

"...In essence, the Manchu rulers were also part of the landlord class. The die-hard Manchus who were expelled from the central government and the National Assembly were no different from the Beiyang government officials who now hold power and the constitutionalists who remain in the National Assembly."

The conservatives, however, believed they had enough power to suppress the rebellious populace and therefore insisted on making no changes. The reformers and constitutionalists, on the other hand, felt they lacked the necessary power and therefore had to appease the public protests by making some changes, but these changes could not involve alterations to their status or property.

Therefore, the majority of people in this parliament today advocate for a constitution, which is essentially the representatives of the landlord class advocating for a constitution to protect the interests of the landlord class. What the vast majority of the people want is not a constitution to establish a country that protects the interests of the landlord class, but a fundamental law that can protect their own interests.

Although everyone talks about drafting a constitution, how can we revise it to a level that resonates with the public when we're not all on the same class side? Can we possibly accept a constitution that protects the interests of the landlord class?

Shen Xiangyun opened his mouth as if to say something, but then seemed to remember something and finally shut his mouth. He originally wanted to defend his ideas, to show that he did not want to endorse a constitution that protected the interests of the landlord class, but rather that he wanted to fight for the interests of the Labor Party within the framework of the constitution.

However, he quickly realized that this was nothing but self-deception. Trying to defend the interests of the working class among such a group of landlord representatives was probably harder than climbing to heaven. Not only could these landlords not be persuaded with words alone, but even when Wuhan forced landlords to hand over their land with weapons, it was met with several counterattacks. Therefore, persuading landlords to protect the interests of the working class peacefully was completely impossible.

Shen Xiangyun didn't want to be seen as naive, so he gave up the idea of ​​debating with Qin Lishan. However, although Shen Xiangyun's proposal to join the constitutional movement was rejected, the current constitutional drafting fervor remained unresolved. Therefore, Ji Yihui and a few others still questioned Qin Lishan about how they should handle the situation.

After a moment's thought, Qin Lishan said, "I still hold onto one principle: this National Assembly is a place for legitimate struggles, and therefore struggle is our true task. Now, the Beiyang clique represented by Yuan Shikai, the reformists Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, and the constitutionalists from Jiangsu and Zhejiang have all proposed drafting a constitution. So, the question we need to ask the people is: for whom is this constitution drafted?"

Our struggle is not about opposing the drafting of a constitution, but about exposing to the people what kind of constitution these people want, and whose interests this constitution ultimately intends to protect. Would the people accept a constitution that harms their own interests? If the people truly accept a constitution that harms their interests, then it can only mean one thing: our propaganda and education work has failed; it has not taught the people to correctly understand what their interests are, or how to resist oppressors who infringe upon their interests…”

Qin Lishan's analysis and response to the constitutional movement ultimately won the unanimous approval of the Workers' Party's representatives in Beijing. They believed that this was the correct stance of the party representing the interests of the workers, and the minutes of the meeting were written down and sent back to Wuhan.

The year 1906 was a difficult year for Wuhan. At the Party Central Committee meeting at the beginning of the year, Tian Junyi spoke frankly to the Party Central Committee members. However, he then firmly stated: "...But from a historical perspective, every year from now on will be better than 1906. Therefore, we will get better and better, while our enemies will get worse and worse."

Although Tian Junyi's New Year's speech was intended to inspire those within the Party, it was not far from the truth. 1906 was a year of internal and external troubles for Wuhan. On one hand, it had to support the war against Russia; on the other hand, it had to deal with internal reconstruction, disaster relief, and the anti-revolutionary movement. Even Tian Junyi himself didn't know how they managed to get through it all, given the devastating floods of the Yangtze River that year, which could be considered a once-in-50-year event.

However, thanks to the efforts of Party organizations at all levels and the support of people in various regions, Wuhan not only survived this difficult year but also further enhanced the Party's prestige in the local areas. Previously, landlords in Hunan, Hubei, and surrounding areas viewed the Workers' Party as another Taiping Rebellion, claiming that these people were there to destroy their Confucian traditions and heritage.

Given the landlords' significant influence over tenant farmers, coupled with the small favors they bestowed upon a small number of tenants, the Workers' Party had a very poor reputation in remote and underdeveloped rural areas, especially in mountainous regions far from Wuhan. Many remote villages even formed local militias, refusing entry to personnel from Wuhan and stating that they only knew of the imperial court and had no knowledge of the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee.

However, a foreign war coupled with a massive flood that swept across the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River quickly destroyed the local power structures of the independent rural tyrants. The disaster victims and the landlords who hoarded grain were inherently at odds. The victims wanted grain at a fair price to get through the crisis, while the landlords wanted to buy land at low prices during the disaster year. How could the two sides compromise?

The Labour Party stood firmly on the side of the disaster victims, not only curbing food prices but also providing numerous jobs to help them through the crisis. It also spearheaded land reform, preventing landowners from continuing to control the countryside through lies and traditional power. The Labour Party spent considerable resources on disaster relief, but also truly extended its influence into the rural areas.

By early 1907, Wuhan had truly established complete control over Hubei, Hunan, western Anhui, Jiujiang in Jiangxi, Chongqing in Sichuan, and Nanyang in Henan. Unlike before, when these regions only nominally obeyed Wuhan but actually maintained considerable independence, Wuhan had achieved a much stronger control over the region.

Chapter 446 The Rise of the New Culture

"...According to the design, there are a total of 9 gun emplacements here in Tianjia Town and on the opposite Banbishan Mountain, forming a crossfire to block the river. The main guns are 256mm Krupp breech-loading cannons... What we see today is the Tianyi Gun Fort. All construction is progressing well, and more than 40% of the work has been completed..."

Standing on the Tianyi Fortress, Tian Junyi gazed at the Yangtze River winding eastward, its waters constantly flowing with ships. He couldn't help but interrupt Li Yuanhong, who was giving his presentation, and asked, "If warships from various countries were to attempt to invade Wuhan, could the current Tianjiazhen Fortress keep them out?"

Li Yuanhong first looked up at Tian Junyi before cautiously speaking, "Tianjia Town Fortress already has the capability to prevent warships from entering the middle reaches of the Yangtze River. However, are we capable of manufacturing our own 256mm cannons and shells? If we don't have this capability, then we can only implement a short-term blockade at most, and cannot carry out a long-term blockade."

Tian Junyi, watching the ships shuttling back and forth on the Yangtze River, said, "The Yangtze River is now the main channel for goods entering and leaving Wuhan. If the Yangtze River is blocked for a long time before the Yuehan Railway is completed, we ourselves will not be able to bear it. However, whether or not this gateway exists is very important to Wuhan. At least when countries want to threaten Wuhan militarily, they will have to consider whether they can pass through this gateway, which gives us time to respond. Otherwise, if warships from various countries can easily sail to Wuhan, what time will we have to respond?"

Li Yuanhong nodded in agreement, but he couldn't help but sigh, "The construction of the fortress can indeed deter the warships of the great powers from entering the middle reaches of the Yangtze River without authorization. However, what can truly deter the great powers is the troops stationed at the fortress. If there is no army that is determined to live and die with the fortress, then even the most fortified fortress will not be able to withstand the intimidation of the great powers."

Tian Junyi glanced at him but did not respond, because he knew that Li Yuanhong was lamenting the fall of Lushun during the First Sino-Japanese War. The Huai Army spent tens of millions of taels to build the Lushun Fortress, but it was handed over to the Japanese almost without firing a single shot. In the end, these forts became a threat that forced the Beiyang Fleet to surrender.

After inspecting the Tianjia Town fort, Tian Junyi boarded a gunboat and returned to Wuhan, marking the end of his month-long inspection tour. After New Year's Day, the Central Committee members of the Workers' Party went to various regions for inspections, partly to verify the accuracy of local reports and partly to hear the opinions of the local people regarding the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committees. This effectively indicated the Workers' Party's shift from a revolutionary party to a ruling party.

Tian Junyi's inspection focused on the disaster-stricken areas of Anhui and the reconstruction situation in Jiujiang. From what he saw on the ground, the reports from local Party organizations and committees were almost all true. The most severely affected areas along the Huai River had basically resumed normal production and life. The people of Anhui were now most concerned about the construction of reservoirs on the tributaries of the Huai River to prevent such a major flood from happening again.

According to the on-site survey report sent by the Wuhan survey team, in the hilly area of ​​the Dabie Mountains, which is the Pi-Shi-Hang River basin in central and western Anhui, as long as a large reservoir can be built and water diversion channels are provided, an artificial irrigation area suitable for cultivation can be formed, thereby solving the local drought situation and avoiding the trouble of annual floods in low-lying areas.

Although the flood caused great disaster to the people of Anhui, it also solved the resettlement problem involved in the construction of the reservoir. The flooded areas were suitable low-lying areas for the reservoir base, and a large number of disaster victims also provided labor for the construction of the reservoir. As long as the land ownership of the area is cleared, this large-scale irrigation area can be officially started.

Tian Junyi arrived in Wuhan on February 1st. He was also the last Central Committee member to return from an inspection tour outside the city. Therefore, after his return, the Central Committee of the Workers' Party and the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee held meetings to exchange views on the inspection results and arrange the main tasks for the year. It was at this time that the representative stationed in Beijing sent back to Wuhan his views on the current constitutional drafting movement.

Tian Junyi and other Central Committee members in Wuhan naturally supported Qin Lishan's views. Tian Junyi bluntly told the Central Committee members, "Our revolutionary goal has never changed: to overthrow the feudal dynasty supported by the landlord class and establish a people's republic. It's just that our enemies were too powerful before, so our strategy was to win over some enemies while defeating others. This doesn't mean we intend to collude with the enemy. Committee Member Qin's proposition is correct. We cannot sit down with the landlord class to discuss revising a constitution that protects the interests of the landlord class; that would be a betrayal of the people..."

Chen Tianhua, Zou Rong, and others supported Tian Junyi's speech. Soon after, the National Daily in Wuhan published an article. The article did not oppose constitutional monarchy, but questioned how many members of the current parliament knew the harm and defects of their country's monarchy. The purpose of constitutionalism is to limit the harm and make up for the defects of the monarchy, which is equivalent to patching the monarchy. If the members of parliament do not even know why their country has a monarchy, what kind of constitution is it?

The article in the National Daily first received the support of the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance). Although the Tongmenghui tried to win over enlightened gentry in various places, it did not support a constitutional monarchy. After all, the Tongmenghui's revolutionary propositions were closely linked to anti-Manchuism. A constitutional monarchy was essentially an admission of the continuation of the Manchu dynasty, which was unacceptable to the nationalists of the Tongmenghui.

The reason why Tang Caichang's Self-Reliance Army was not recognized by Sun Yat-sen and others was because Tang Caichang advocated accepting Emperor Guangxu to continue as emperor, and only purging the stubborn Manchu and Han people in the court. The constitutional monarchy theory that is now rampant in the country is actually not much different from Tang Caichang's proposition.

The more support the constitutional monarchy theory gained among enlightened gentry in various regions, the less market the Tongmenghui's revolutionary propositions lost. Unlike the Workers' Party in Wuhan, the Tongmenghui's Three Principles of the People did not advocate a break with the landlord class. In the three-way debate, facing Liang Qichao's argument for overthrowing the propertied class, Wuhan chose to confront him head-on, while the Tongmenghui could only stammer and conceal its views.

Therefore, when the revolutionary climax swept through Wuhan, the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) enjoyed a period of relative ease in the country because the die-hards, represented by Empress Dowager Cixi and the Manchu imperial family, opposed deeper reforms led by Han Chinese. Enlightened gentry who hoped for more profound reforms but opposed violent revolution were all flirting with the Tongmenghui.

However, after Wuhan and Yuan Shikai joined forces to rescue Emperor Guangxu from house arrest and carried out a major purge of Manchu and Han diehards in the central and local governments, enlightened gentry in various places suddenly felt that the Tongmenghui could not compare with the Beiyang government led by Yuan Shikai. In comparison, Yuan Shikai, who had power and advocated gradual reform, was naturally more worthy of their support than the Tongmenghui, which did not even have a territory.

Therefore, it wasn't just the Manchu forces and the Empress Dowager's faction that suffered setbacks in the past six months; the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) also suffered an undeserved calamity. Enlightened gentry who had previously been on friendly terms with the Tongmenghui suddenly became active supporters of constitutional monarchy. Thus, Sun Yat-sen and others, who had just witnessed the blossoming of spring, immediately felt the arrival of autumn.

However, this also laid the foundation for cooperation between Sun Yat-sen and Cen Chunxuan, the Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi. As Wuhan and the Beiyang government joined forces to purge the Manchu ruling faction and their cronies, although the Manchus still held many high-ranking positions, they actually controlled very little territory. Although the Northwest region was the area most deeply controlled by the Manchus, they were still unable to mobilize the manpower and resources of that region to threaten Wuhan.

There was still a group of Han Chinese governors who were loyal to the court and could barely maintain the situation in their respective regions. However, this group of Han Chinese governors only included those in Yunnan, Guangxi, and Guangdong provinces. The governors of other provinces either chose Yuan Shikai or joined the Hunan clique, which was trying to maintain neutrality. There were no longer any governors who were willing to be loyal to the court.

Yunnan Governor-General Zhao Erxun was extremely hostile to the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, but his position was simply too weak, and Yunnan lacked the strength to confront Wuhan. He once wanted to unite Sichuan, Guizhou, Guangdong, and Jiangxi to deal with Wuhan, but the Hunan faction in the Jiangxi region chose neutrality, Sichuan Governor-General Xiliang lost the support of the Sichuanese, and the Guizhou governor sided with Wuhan, which caused his plan to fail. Therefore, Zhao Erxun began to flirt with Yuan Shikai.

However, neither Lin Shaonian, the governor of Guangxi, nor Cen Chunxuan, the governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi, could possibly side with Yuan Shikai. They were originally promoted by Empress Dowager Cixi to oppose Yuan Shikai. With the fall of the Empress Dowager's faction, they naturally leaned towards Emperor Guangxu's personal rule. Seeing that Guangxu's personal rule was hopeless, they had to find other ways out. Clearly, they couldn't control the territory of Guangdong and Guangxi on their own, as they lacked both the moral high ground and the power to do so.

In contrast, the Tongmenghui enjoyed considerable prestige among the people of Guangdong, and as a revolutionary party, it was able to resist the influence of Wuhan and enter Guangdong. For Cen Chunxuan, joining forces with Sun Yat-sen would not only allow him to retain his territory but also give him a legitimate reason to oppose Yuan Shikai. Naturally, he had the idea of ​​winning over the Tongmenghui and establishing his own independent entity.

Therefore, when Guangdong was electing alternate members of the National Assembly, many members of the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) went to Beijing as representatives of Guangdong. For Sun Yat-sen, undermining the constitutional monarchy was the key to the survival of the Tongmenghui, so he naturally spared no effort in attacking the constitutional monarchy system. However, the Tongmenghui's power was too localized, and it had almost no influence outside of Guangdong. This time, following the attack on the constitutional monarchy theory in Wuhan, Sun Yat-sen finally found an opportunity to break the deadlock.

Wuhan's criticism of the members of parliament went beyond their understanding of the country's monarchical system; they went further by advocating a critique of Confucianism. This is because Confucianism is the ideological foundation of China's monarchical system. Without dismantling this ideological foundation, any talk of constitutional monarchy is nonsense, as those who adhere to Confucianism cannot propose democratic ideals that limit monarchical power.

Since the establishment of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, it has been promoting simplified characters, pinyin, vernacular Chinese, and scientific education under its rule. It can be said that the Wuhan area has already laid the foundation for establishing a new cultural cradle. This time, based on the reflection on the monarchical system and the criticism of Confucianism, Wuhan's public opinion and education circles officially began to promote the new culture as a movement throughout the country.

Chapter 447 Suggestions for Ending the War

In early February, Chen Jingcun and other members of the fifth batch of returnees from India finally returned to Wuhan. Tian Junyi personally hosted a banquet to welcome them back and listened to a separate report from Chen Jingcun after the banquet.

The first half of Chen Jingcun's report mainly concerned affairs in India, Shannan, and Tibet. Their return did not mean the end of Indian affairs. The military and political committees in Shannan and Tibet requested that Wuhan transfer a group of young people to work there and establish special training classes to accept local youths they recommended to come to Wuhan for training, thereby establishing a pro-Wuhan group in the area.

As the leader of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, Tian Junyi naturally supported this proposition. The return of soldiers who had experienced the wars in Tibet and India could enrich the cadre force of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, while the young people sent to South Asia could train young members of the Workers' Party, thereby cultivating a group of capable cadres in actual positions. This was naturally a prudent approach.

However, the latter part of Chen Jingcun's report was somewhat unexpected. But Tian Junyi quickly absorbed the information. "...Comrade Lin Feng said that the Crimean War curbed Russia's westward expansion ambitions, thus winning a rare period of peaceful construction for Central Europe. As a result, surplus international capital poured into Germany, giving German industry an opportunity to rise. At the same time, the American Civil War ended, and the United States formed a unified market, thus also attracting an influx of surplus European capital."

The Franco-Prussian War foreshadowed the liberation of German industry from international capital control, leading to the formation of a closed domestic market. The Spanish-American War was similarly a landmark event, indicating that the American domestic market had been largely developed. Therefore, the world after the Spanish-American War was turbulent, as surplus international capital lost its markets for investment.

The Boxer Rebellion, in essence, stemmed from the fact that an agricultural China could not withstand the excessive influx of international capital, leading to the rebellion of bankrupt Chinese peasants. Although the Eight-Nation Alliance forced China to sign the Boxer Protocol, it could not change the predicament of excess international capital having nowhere to go, thus exacerbating the conflicts between the great powers.

Since the known world has already been divided up by the current colonial system, the great powers will now compete for their respective shares of the world, rather than seeking new colonies. This is because wars between industrialized nations will absorb a great deal of surplus capital from each country, thus solving the problem of insufficient markets in each nation.

Russia's expansion into the Far East was nominally a consequence of the Tsarist government's greed, but fundamentally, it was also due to the fact that Russia's European market was being eroded by British, German, and French capital, and its domestic capital could not compete with these foreign capitals, so it had no choice but to implement monopolistic market operations in Russia's border regions.

This war in the Far East was nominally launched by the Russians, but in reality, it was a means of self-preservation sought by Russian capital under pressure from international capital. However, the actions of Russian capital offended international capital with huge interests in the Far East, and therefore, Russian capital was bound to fall into defeat under the pressure of international capital.

…Ending this war requires not only defeating the Russians on the battlefield, but also cutting off international capital support for Russia and Japan in the international market…To achieve this goal, a struggle against international capital is needed to render it unable to provide further support to Russia and Japan…”

Upon hearing this, Tian Junyi still had a slight doubt. He interrupted Chen Jingcun and asked, "I can understand cutting off international capital support for Russia, but why cut off support for Japan as well? Isn't Japan an ally of us now?"

Chen Jingcun replied to Tian Junyi with a look of admiration: "This is also one of the things I admire about Comrade Lin Feng. While we were still considering this war, Comrade Lin Feng was already considering the possibility of a conflict between China and Japan."

Comrade Lin Feng said that although Japan is objectively on the same side as China, Japan's purpose in launching this war is not to protect the Japanese people, the Korean people, or the Chinese people. It is nothing more than a military adventure by a group of Japanese warlords and imperialists to expand Japan's interests on the mainland.

Therefore, Japan's goal in this war was not to help China and Korea retain their territorial sovereignty occupied by Russia, but rather to replace them. Japan's ambitions were exploited by international capital, leading to this major war. The Japanese people objectively paid a heavy price for this war, and thus, in the post-war period, they would inevitably be bound by Japanese militarists and imperialists, attempting to reap the same war profits as in the First Sino-Japanese War. This is the ideological basis for the ongoing conflict between China and Japan.