Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 73

Moreover, these white officers themselves weren't very skilled in military matters. In Lin Feng's view, although they had received some military training at the Japanese military academy, most of them only possessed command skills at the company or platoon level—and even those were abridged versions. As for the Japanese army itself, it was still exploring the absorption of European military thought, but at least it had a system, meaning it had a direction to move forward in.

Therefore, these students who graduated from Japanese military academies were completely incapable of supporting the command system of a modern army. At most, they could only fight in colonial wars, undertaking combat missions on individual battlefields under the logistical and command systems of the great powers. Once the logistical and command systems of the great powers were lost, they became disposable expendable resources.

Therefore, Tian Junyi urged Cai E to return to China and transform the army into a genuine armed force of workers and peasants, rather than a group of armed civilians charging with rifles and cannons. Cai E believed Tian Junyi's proposal was correct. Although he had only studied in Berlin for a little over a year, he felt he had some understanding of how to build an army. As for combat, that would have to be learned in war.

However, just as he was packing his luggage, a German officer opened the door. After looking around the room, he asked Cai E, "Are you Lieutenant Cai?"

Cai E straightened up and agreed, then asked the other party's purpose. The other party made way for him and said politely but firmly, "General, you wish to see me. Please follow me."

Although he didn't know which German general wanted to see him, Cai E accepted the invitation. However, when he arrived in the carriage at a quiet but heavily guarded courtyard, and stepped onto the cobblestone path, he realized that this must be the headquarters of the German Army's General Staff. Therefore, the person addressed as "General" in this place must be the Chief of the General Staff, Schlieffen.

Cai E didn't believe that the busy Chief of the General Staff wanted to see him because he valued him. For Germany, China today was perhaps less important than the Boer Republic had been in the past. After all, the Boers had truly inflicted heavy losses on the British, while China, to this day, remained a lamb to the slaughter in the eyes of various countries, similar to the Ottoman Empire. The only saving grace was China's distance from Europe, preventing it from being directly divided up by several major European powers like the Ottoman Empire.

Cai E's guess was actually correct. Schlieffen wasn't concerned about him; the first thing he asked upon meeting was, "What exactly are your plans for India?"

Cai E was completely baffled by the question and it took him a while to reply: "We have no plans for India. As far as China is concerned, India is not our place to worry about."

Schlieffen stared at him for a while before picking up a newspaper from the table beside him and handing it to him, saying, "Take a look at this statement. Are you really completely unaware of it? Or did your compatriots back home not inform you?"

Cai E took the newspaper and began to read it carefully. It was a dispatch from the Indian newspaper *The Bengal*, reprinted in a German newspaper, titled: "A Letter from the Chinese People to the Indian People." The gist was that the Indian people were also victims of the oppression of Asian peoples by British imperialism for over two hundred years, and that the Indian people should rise up to overthrow British imperialism and seize Indian national freedom…

Schlieffen and the others were getting impatient, and directly prompted Cai E: "The content at the beginning is not important, what's important is the last few lines."

Cai E looked up at Shi Lifen. Although he hadn't had much contact with her, he had heard many rumors about her. At least in those rumors, she wouldn't have such a frivolous side. However, he quickly lowered his head and looked at the end of the report because he also wanted to know what had happened.

Upon seeing the following lines, he couldn't help but read them aloud: "Issued by the Forward Committee of the Chinese Expeditionary Army in Siliguri, India, Siliguri?"

Seeing that Cai E was still pondering the name Siliguri, Schlieffen walked to the wall and pointed to a spot, saying, "It's on the Indian plains below Sikkim, a necessary route to Darjeeling. Do you really know nothing about it?"

Cai E walked up to the map and examined it carefully before nodding to Schlieffen and saying, "I really know nothing about this, but I'm not surprised by it, because I know that the person leading this army is capable of doing such a thing."

Schlieffen looked at him and said, “I’m not doubting your ability to do this; the facts are there for us. What I want to know now is, what exactly are your reasons for entering India? Is it a spur-of-the-moment decision, or do you have other plans?”

I don't want to criticize your country's actions. But I think if China and Germany want to maintain a special relationship, you at least need to tell us what you want to achieve.

Cai E pondered for a long time. This time, Schlieffen showed enough patience before Cai E carefully said, "I think the commander leading the team wouldn't have gone to India on a whim to make such a statement."

Schlieffen nodded in agreement, saying, "That's what I think too. His telegram was a bigger blow to the British than the Battle of Ladysmith."

These words surprised Cai E. He hadn't expected Schlieffen to value this telegram so much. He remembered that when Lin Feng and his men captured a British brigadier general in Tibet, Schlieffen had only thought Lin Feng had done a good job. However, he quickly regained his composure and said, "In my opinion of this commander, the purpose of this telegram is to shake British rule in India and awaken the self-esteem of the Indian people, because it's impossible for us to deploy too many troops across the Tibetan Plateau to India on our own."

Schlieffen stared sharply at Cai E and asked, "That's exactly what I want to know. How far do you or they plan to fight in India before stopping?"

Cai E shook his head and said with a wry smile, "General, it's impossible to predict the movements of such a person. I think the Indian problem will ultimately depend on how the British resolve it, because they possess the power of an empire, while this commander is lucky to have a few thousand men by his side."

Schlieffen observed Cai E for a long time without asking any further questions. He then summoned his adjutant, who escorted Cai E back to his residence. Afterward, he traveled by carriage to the palace on the eastern side of Unter den Linden Street to pay his respects to His Majesty the Emperor.

Wilhelm II quickly received his Chief of the General Staff and eagerly inquired, "What did the Chinese say?"

Schlieffen shook his head and said, "Clearly this was not a planned operation, but rather a flash of inspiration from a brilliant general. Although this attack has given the British quite a shock, we cannot predict his next move, so it is best not to act rashly. Britain is in danger at this time, and we cannot provoke their anger on our own."

However, Wilhelm II still said with some reluctance, "I've heard that the French have already started withdrawing money from British banks. If the Chinese can expand their operations in India further, is there a better opportunity?"

Schlieffen calmly replied, “Germany doesn’t need to rely on luck to win. Every victory we have is the result of careful and meticulous calculation. The Chinese actions in India have indeed created an opportunity for us, but if they don’t follow up, that opportunity is meaningless. If they do take any further action, then we might be able to wait for a truly good opportunity, when the British are preoccupied, to teach the French a real lesson.”

After a moment of silence, Wilhelm II suddenly said, "Actually, what I mean is that we don't necessarily have to go to war with France. The British are so aggressive. If the French are willing to make peace with us, Germany, Russia, and France can form a continental alliance against Britain, and then we can gain more benefits than Europe can."

Schlieffen said to the emperor with some dissatisfaction, "The plan has been formulated, so it should be implemented step by step according to the plan. Formulating a plan today and then negating it tomorrow will only exhaust the people below and cause them to lose sight of the goal. I think this is a self-destructive act."

Compared to others, Schlieffen commanded the most respect from Wilhelm II, second only to the deceased Moltke the Elder, so he had to remain silent. However, he hadn't abandoned the idea; he still felt that a continental alliance would be more beneficial to Germany.

Ultimately, even a victory against the French would only secure the ownership of Alsace and Lorraine, and at most force France to make some concessions in Morocco. This wouldn't change Germany's predicament. What Germany needed was to break free from the constraints imposed on it by Britain, and at least avoid being surrounded in Europe by Britain, France, and Russia. Defeating France and Russia wouldn't change this situation; only when British naval supremacy collapsed could Germany truly gain the freedom to operate independently.

Prime Minister Arthur James Balfour cut short his New Year's holiday to return to 10 Downing Street, London, a situation shared by cabinet members including the Foreign Secretary and the Secretary of State for India. Even before entering the meeting room, Balfour was still complaining: "Is there a more incompetent British Prime Minister than me? Did Napoleon have the achievement of forcing the British cabinet to cut short their New Year's holiday?"

Foreign Secretary Henri Landston and Indian Secretary St. John Broderick remained silent, for it was indeed a difficult issue to discuss. No one had anticipated the problem would escalate so dramatically; what began as a mere cut on the finger now posed a risk of tetanus infection.

Chapter 254 London's Opinion

Although Prime Minister Balfour complained, he understood the seriousness of the matter. After all, India and South Africa were different. South Africa's defeat to the Boers was merely a loss of face for the British Empire, but if India were to fail, it would be more than just a loss of face.

So after he sat down, he asked St. John Broderick, the Secretary of State for Indian Affairs, "What is Lord Curzon's opinion?"

Although Broderick was in charge of Indian affairs, he had no authority over the Viceroy of India, so he spoke cautiously: "Lord Curzon has telegraphed that he is willing to take responsibility for this matter and requests to resign from his position as Viceroy of India. However, he will certainly do his best to prevent the Chinese from invading India until a new Viceroy arrives."

Lord Curzon's resignation was within Balfour's expectations. After all, this was the first governor-general to allow foreigners to invade India after the British government took control of the country, and it would be rather tactless for him not to resign. However, Curzon and Balfour were from the same school, both considered protégés of the Marquess of Salisbury. Even if they had some minor disagreements in their daily lives, they wouldn't hold each other back at this time.

But Balfour was speechless at the latter part of Curzon's words. He couldn't help but question, "Isn't the priority to stop the Chinese invasion at this time to completely eliminate this group of Chinese who have invaded India? Only then can we save face for the empire?"

Broderick hesitated for a moment, then decided to tell the truth: "I spoke with Viscount Kitchener, and the key issue is not that the Chinese attacked Siliguri, but that the Chinese occupied it with very few troops, and the Indians did not put up any resistance. This war is between us and the Chinese, not between India and China. It is a completely different war from the war between British India and Afghanistan."

Balfour asked, somewhat puzzled, "What exactly does Viscount Kitchener mean?"

Broderick replied, "What the Viscount means is that the border areas between Sikkim, Bhutan, and the states of Bengal and Assam are currently insecure, meaning that there are significant gaps in the border defenses of Northeast India, as we are unable to control these border regions with reliable troops."

So far, British India has lost at least 7,000 troops, equivalent to one-twentieth of its entire armed forces. Most of its forces are stationed in India's northwestern frontier and Burma province; they now have little manpower left to pursue the Chinese. Those Chinese have now fled back to Darjeeling, and Sikkim is no longer a princely state under our control.

Balfour then realized why his vacation had been interrupted. It was clearly not because of the Siliguri Declaration; that was merely putting pressure on Britain in terms of public opinion. The real trouble was yet to come.

After reviewing the events, Balfour summarized: "In other words, China can now use Sikkim and Bhutan as bases to attack British India, and the Indians don't see it as an invasion. Therefore, our real trouble is that the Indians are trying to betray the British Empire?"

Broderick nodded and said, "Yes, especially since Sir Curzon's proposed partition of Bengal is provoking strong resentment among the Bengalis. Bengal is currently at risk of spiraling out of control, and the Chinese invasion is like a lit fuse, making Bengal Indian nationalists even more fanatical."

Curzon's partition plan for Bengal, which he promoted after taking office, was not something he came up with on a whim. It was a near-unanimous view among Conservatives: the power of Bengal needed to be weakened in order to maintain the balance of power within India. India was not originally a single country; it only gradually became a unified entity under British rule.

During the East India Company's rule, India had approximately 700 princely states, which were relatively independent. However, after the British government began to rule India directly, it not only annexed the land of the princely states on a large scale, but also continued to annex them on the grounds of extinction of their lineages. Eventually, by the end of the 19th century, the number of princely states had been reduced to about 600. British-controlled territory accounted for more than half of India's territory, and at least two-thirds of India's population was directly managed by British India. The military and internal affairs of the princely states were also under British control.

While these actions significantly strengthened British control over the Indian subcontinent, they also objectively eliminated ethnic and regional conflicts within India, leading to the emergence of a unified Indian nation. British invasion of the Indian subcontinent began in three major districts: Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta.

Calcutta, the capital of Bangladesh, has not only been the capital of British India for a long time, but the state of Bengal is also a behemoth in British India. It not only accounts for nearly one-third of India's population, but also holds an absolute advantage in terms of economic proportion, and culturally it has suppressed other regions. The Congress Party's annual meeting was held in Calcutta almost every year.

This is the fundamental reason why the British wanted to weaken Bengal: Bengal had become the political, economic, and cultural center of mainland India, and losing control there would make it difficult for British India to survive in other parts of India as well. Indians longed for Calcutta more than London.

The cabinet members present finally realized the seriousness of the problem; the issue of Indian independence, which they had been worried about, was now officially before them. Balfour pondered for a long time before asking again, "What is Lord Curzon's opinion on postponing the partition of Bengal?"

Broderick quickly replied, "The Lord believes that the Indians must not be allowed to believe they can overcome the Empire's will, otherwise Bengal will truly become the core pillar of the Indian nation. Then, it will only be a matter of time before we lose India."

Balfour then asked, "So does he think British India can suppress the Bengal resistance?"

Broderick replied, "First, demonstrate the power of the British Empire by force, then offer some incentives to win over the Indian elites, and the Indians will quickly compromise. The biggest problem now is that the Chinese don't come and cause trouble."

However, Viscount Kitchener held a slightly different view, believing that the most important thing now was to eliminate the Chinese, and that the partition plan for Bengal could be postponed for some time.

Instead of immediately choosing between the two proposals, Balfour turned to Clark, the secretary of the Imperial Defense Council, and asked him, "What is the Admiralty saying about the war in China?"

Clark shook his head and said, "Fischer said that it is not appropriate to send troops to China at this time, and that battleships and cruisers are not effective in the Yangtze River. He believes that the Chinese sank Japanese warships, and this problem should be solved by the Japanese themselves."

In addition, he drew the cabinet's attention to the fact that the Germans appeared to have launched a new warship, with a design concept similar to the all-heavy-gun cruiser proposed by Italy, and he hoped the cabinet would approve it. The British Navy was also experimenting with similar designs.

Balfour was speechless at the First Sea Lord's reply. Just before, the Admiralty had claimed that if war broke out, 10 battleships and cruisers fully loaded with coal could arrive in Shanghai within 24 hours and within 30-35 days, and 50,000 British troops could land a week later on high-speed transport ships. All the supplies and ammunition for all these troops for the next two years could be transported to Hong Kong or Cheffu within eight weeks of the outbreak of war.

Of course, the Admiralty's initial threat was directed at the Qing government; with its long coastline, China was naturally seen as full of vulnerabilities. But now, the provocation against Britain was directed at China's inland regions, making it a thankless and arduous task for the Admiralty. Therefore, the change of heart by the newly appointed First Sea Lord is understandable.

Balfour had no choice but to turn to the Marquis Henry Lansdowne and ask, “What is the Foreign Ministry’s view on these issues, I mean, the issues of China, East Asia and India together?”

After a moment of silence, the Marquess of Lansdowne said, “The Russians have already rejected our solutions to the problems of Persia and Afghanistan. Now, China has challenged the authority of the British Empire in Tibet and Wuhan at the same time. I think this will further stimulate the Russians’ ambitions toward India and China.”

At this time, internal strife in China would not be in the empire's interest, nor would conflict between China and Japan. Moreover, if we were to divert our forces from Europe to the Far East, we would be unable to contain Germany's activities in Europe.

For the empire, the top priority is ensuring India's security. What's the point of destroying China if India descends into chaos? If we can't even handle a few thousand Chinese in India, how can we sustain a prolonged war against tens of millions of Chinese on Chinese soil? If both China and India simultaneously wage war against the empire, we will face the greatest crisis in our history.

The Marquess of Lansdowne's proposal silenced everyone in the office. After a long while, Balfour finally made up his mind and said, "The Foreign Office will formally initiate negotiations on the issue of Tibet in China and have the British Indian government hand over the relevant diplomatic documents to London."

We suggest that Beijing and Wuhan hold peace talks, with Britain guaranteeing any agreement reached between the two sides. The Yangtze River Combined Fleet should temporarily cease operations. Regarding the sinking of the Japanese ship, we believe it was merely an unfortunate incident and should not be considered an attack by Wuhan on the Combined Fleet. Wuhan is part of China, therefore we suggest that Beijing compensate Japan for its losses and persuade Japan to accept this.

Tell the Japanese that their biggest enemy now is the Russians, not the Chinese…

The sinking of the Uji after striking a mine in the Yangtze River was also a headache for the Japanese. Although the incident aroused public dissatisfaction with Wuhan, the army did not agree with the navy's actions. At a special cabinet meeting, Army Minister Katsura Taro criticized Navy Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, saying, "The Empire's main interests are in the Korean Peninsula. The Yangtze River is British and German territory. What is the navy doing, recklessly rushing to the front to take the bullet for the British?"

In fact, Prime Minister Ito Sukeyuki was not entirely satisfied with the Navy Ministry's actions. Joining the Combined Fleet was not the problem, but being too proactive was. The Naval General Staff had reservations about some radical elements within the Navy Ministry, believing that these people were completely out of touch with reality, wanting to take advantage of any weaker party without any regard for the Empire's strategy.

Chapter 255 Minister Yamamoto's Waterloo

However, out of consideration for the navy, Ito Sukeyuki still helped Yamamoto Gonnohyōe out, believing that the sinking of the Yangtze River ship could not be considered a problem of the navy. It was just that the lower-ranking naval officers could not refuse the demands of their allies, and it was a certain sacrifice made in order to cooperate with diplomacy.

While Ito Sukeyuki was able to help the Navy Ministry shirk responsibility for the sinking incident, he was also hampered by the complex situation of East Asian relations. Foreign Minister Komura Jutaro insisted on standing with the Qing government because this was the key to gaining Chinese support when Japan was at war with Russia, and also the key to preventing the Qing government from compromising with Russia.

The army's mindset was somewhat contradictory. While supporting Foreign Minister Komura's opinion, it did not want to completely antagonize Wuhan. Katsura Taro emphasized at the cabinet meeting: "Although the Qing government now represents China, it is essentially a small ethnic group ruling over a large country. It committed too many killings at the beginning of its founding, so it has always been hated by the Han people."

Since modern times, the Qing government's continuous ceding of territory and payment of indemnities to foreign powers has further fueled Han Chinese nationalism, and the distinction between Manchus and Han Chinese has always been the Qing government's greatest hidden danger. If we side with the Qing government, we would undoubtedly offend more than 90% of the Han Chinese population. If the Manchus were to lose power in the future, how would Japan and China maintain their relationship?

Secondly, the Qing government lacked a legitimate cause of action. The Empress Dowager Cixi held absolute power, effectively sidelining the emperor, making it difficult to gain popular support even among the Manchus themselves. In short, even if we sided with the Qing government, it would be difficult to win the favor of the Manchus, because the current Qing government lacked popular support. This is why the Wuhan Mutiny was able to cause such a nationwide upheaval.

The army believes that we cannot take a one-sided stance on the China issue; we must at least leave room for maneuver in order to correct our foreign policy in response to changes in China. Of course, Japan's current top priority is still the Japan-Russia issue…”

While the Navy wasn't as conflicted as the Army, the Naval General Staff and the Ministry of the Navy held completely opposing positions. The Naval General Staff believed that the Yangtze River incident was a consequence of the Navy being hijacked by foreign policy, and that the Naval General Staff was increasingly dismissive of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.

At an internal naval meeting, both Kawahara and Togo criticized Britain's balancing policy in East Asia. They argued that Britain's attitude towards the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was not sincere; while the two countries were now allyed, Britain's wariness of Japan was no different from its wariness of Russia. For example, the navy attempted to support Japanese merchants in obtaining oil leases in the Dutch East Indies, but this was rejected by the Dutch, who were backed by the British.

The British not only pressured the Dutch to refuse oil leases to Japanese merchants, but also supported the Dutch in further annexing the indigenous regimes of Bali and Sulawesi, though this was only thwarted by the Japanese navy. Furthermore, the British, in conjunction with the French, expressed considerable dissatisfaction with Japan's assistance to China in constructing the Yulin port on Hainan Island. Considering these factors, how could the British be considered an ally of Japan?

The Naval General Staff is deeply resentful because it has now become a stronghold of the naval supremacist faction. Ever since the naval symposium proposed the theory of surpassing the navies of advanced nations, factions within the navy have begun to redistribute.

In the past, factions within the navy were divided based on region and whether they opposed the shogunate. The Satsuma faction was virtually dominant, as they held the banner of righteous resistance against the shogunate. Whenever a debate arose, the Satsuma faction could simply say, "What were you doing while we were fighting the shogunate army?" and the discussion would essentially end. Although the shogunate navy had superior manpower—it was built by the shogunate itself—it was disadvantaged by its shogunate origins and was therefore completely marginalized by the Satsuma faction.

However, after the naval symposium proposed the theory of naval transcendence, the navy could finally stop agonizing over the issue of justice and begin to consider how to surpass the navies of advanced nations. Discussing whether or not a nation originated from Satsuma was pointless, because cannons wouldn't become ineffective against Japanese warships simply because the Satsuma faction was in power.

As powerful naval forces, the Satsuma faction was naturally conservative and opposed to naval supremacy theories. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe didn't have much foresight regarding the future of the Japanese navy; he only wanted to maintain Japan's status as the strongest navy in East Asia. In terms of fleet development theory, he advocated following the strategy, which meant simply following the direction of the world's naval superpower, Britain, since it was impossible for Japan to challenge Britain anyway.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's ideas were quite popular among the conservatives within the navy. After all, the Japanese navy was already the strongest in East Asia, and maintaining that position was enough for them; there was no need for them to do anything extra. Even Ito Sukeyuki, before becoming a naval elder statesman, agreed with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's views, as he also believed that challenging the British navy was impossible.

However, after becoming a naval elder, Ito Sukeyuki could no longer accept Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's conservative strategy, because he could not become Yamamoto's echo. If he could not come up with a new naval theory, how could he secure his position as a naval elder? Similarly, the younger generation within the navy were also dissatisfied with the situation where the conservatives held high positions.

Following the First Sino-Japanese War, as Japan's national strength continued to grow, the organization and structure of the Japanese Navy became increasingly sophisticated. At this time, those naval officers who had distinguished themselves in the war were seen by these younger naval officers as simply lucky to have dealt a blow to the Qing Dynasty navy, which was even worse than Japan's. In terms of naval tactics and strategy, these officers, who had only recently entered the field, could not be considered true naval commanders.

However, no matter how much these younger officers privately slandered the veterans of the navy, these veterans would not obediently relinquish their positions. As a result, even Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, a conservative figure, was seen by the younger officers as the hope for reforming the navy. After all, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was willing to build ships, and as long as the fleet was expanded, new positions would open up. Therefore, although Minister Yamamoto could not theoretically convince the younger officers, his shipbuilding plan could still gain their support.

However, once the naval symposium took place, the benefits Yamamoto offered were no longer satisfactory to the younger officers. After all, Japan's financial capacity was limited; no matter how much the navy expanded, it could only build one or two warships a year, and some positions had to be reserved for conservatives, leaving few spots for the younger officers. But the transcendent theory proposed at the naval symposium could directly eliminate a group of conservatives, freeing up a large number of positions for the younger officers, and naturally gaining their support more.

Ito Sukeyuki also united the younger generation of naval officers around him through naval seminars, ultimately gaining control of the Naval General Staff. At this time, although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was still the Minister of the Navy and the second-generation leader of the Satsuma faction, his influence in the navy had drastically diminished. This was because the Satsuma faction itself was not a mature political party, but merely a continuation of the old clan politics, and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was clearly not capable of replacing the Saigō family as the leader of the Satsuma clan.

However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not abandon the Satsuma faction, which meant that even the conservatives within the Navy were unlikely to wholeheartedly support him due to regional differences. He could only unite those Satsuma members he had promoted. Thus, a new factional conflict gradually formed within the Navy. The "Transcendence" faction wasn't just paying lip service; while advocating for naval transcendence, they also proposed the theory of industrial transcendence, meaning that heavy chemical industries needed to be developed first to provide the industrial foundation for naval transcendence.

The key to developing heavy chemical industries was securing sources of steel, coal, oil, and rubber. The latter two were only found in Southeast Asia, which was the foundation of the southward expansion strategy. Demanding oil leases from the Dutch was intended to provide Japanese industry and the Japanese navy with an oil production base. However, the British refusal spurred the Transcendentalists to feel threatened by hostility.

Under such circumstances, the Transcendental faction within the Navy strongly opposed any conflict with China, because they could not agree to disperse the naval forces, or Japan's forces, to China. Even without dispersing Japan's forces, it would be difficult to make any progress in Southeast Asia, let alone after Japan had dispersed its forces.

The consequence of abandoning the South Pacific strategy is abandoning the theory of transcendence and accepting the conservative theory of following. This might be an easy path for Japan, but for the transcendent faction, it's a suicidal one. Therefore, the Uji incident has become a fiercely contested issue between two factions within the navy, but the upper echelons of both sides are hesitant to act rashly, so they haven't openly broken ties.

For the Ministry of the Navy, led by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, the Uji incident could not be easily dismissed. It not only caused the Ministry to lose face in front of the public and the Army, but also threatened its dominant position within the Navy. With the rise of the Naval General Staff, the Ministry of the Navy was no longer the sole authority. If it suffered further setbacks in the Uji incident, the Navy might face a situation similar to the Army's three major governing bodies, which would be difficult for the Ministry of the Navy to accept.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe couldn't afford to appear too weak in the Uji incident, as this would further erode his position within the Navy. The Naval General Staff had demanded that the Southern Qing Fleet Commander, Taketomi Kunimitsu, take responsibility for the incident—in short, remove him from his post and place him in the reserves after a few years. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe couldn't afford not to protect Taketomi Kunimitsu; otherwise, who would dare to obey only the Ministry of the Navy and his orders in the future?

However, these internal struggles within Japan, whether within the navy or between the army and navy, all shifted their focus with the Chinese invasion of India. The army simply couldn't fathom how the Chinese had managed to infiltrate India. In their memory, the Chinese army would only flee when faced with the Eight-Nation Alliance. Even the Qing army's most formidable Wuwei Army was routed and annihilated by the Alliance forces with fewer than 1000 casualties, despite being the most resolute resistance of Nie Shicheng's troops.

The army was well aware that the Huguang New Army that had entered Tibet numbered less than 500. No matter how many Tibetans they recruited locally, it was already a miracle they could defeat the British invading forces; how could they possibly advance into India? The British army's fighting strength seemed to be roughly equal to the Qing army's. Under these circumstances, the army was even more opposed to conflict with Wuhan.

However, the army soon no longer needed to object, as the British backed down faster than they had anticipated. Shortly after the New Year, the British called for peace talks between Beijing and Wuhan, and recognized Wuhan's right to conduct military exercises on the Yangtze River. In other words, the British considered the Uji's damage not combat but an accident. Japanese public opinion immediately shifted, with British newspapers offering fair assessments of the Uji's captain's lack of battlefield awareness. A competent naval commander would not overlook the enemy's use of weapons like mines, especially after the warning from Wuhan.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe suffered a heavy loss. He was a leading advocate within the navy for actively following Britain and a staunch supporter of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. The British action was a blatant slap in the face to him, preventing him from using the Anglo-Japanese Alliance as a pretext to actively support the British Yangtze River Fleet's operations. The order to relieve Taketomi Kunimitsu of his command of the Southern Qing Fleet was approved.

Chapter 256 The Privilege of the Victor

Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe made concessions on the issue of the Taketomi Kunimitsu Cauldron, he would not take responsibility for the naval leadership failures. The pro-British faction, in order to maintain the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, followed British public opinion and criticized Japanese naval commanders for their lack of professionalism during the war. This was a harbinger of Yamamoto's impending resignation as Minister of the Navy. He was forced to go to Prime Minister Ito Sukeyuki's official residence and directly expose Hayashi Shin'yō's change of name to Hayashi Feng.

At first, Ito Sukeyuki did not connect this Lin Feng with that Lin Feng. He thought that it would not be a problem for Lin Xinyi to travel in China and pretend to be Chinese. Besides, Lin Xinyi had already been transferred to Southeast Asia.

Speaking of this matter, Ito Sukeyuki had previously convened a meeting with Kawahara to discuss it. Because the Emperor had a deep memory of Hayashi Shin-yi, a student from the 32nd class, and was displeased when he was not on the list of the top five, Ito asked Kawahara to transfer Hayashi Shin-yi back from Southeast Asia as soon as possible, so as not to make the Imperial Household Agency think that the Navy was discriminating against the young officers admired by the Emperor.

When Minister Yamamoto told him that Hayashi Shinichi, disguised as a Chinese, had gone to Tibet to fight the British and had even invaded India, Ito Sukeyuki was naturally shocked and furious. If this got out, the navy would be in real trouble. If the British suspected that Japan was supporting China's invasion of India, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance would inevitably break down. But now, with the Russo-Japanese War drawing ever closer, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was now paramount.

However, Ito Sukeyuki could only summon Kawahara and Togo and give them a good scolding before starting to clean up the mess for the navy. This mess involved preventing internal divisions within the navy and ensuring Yamamoto's position was preserved. Secondly, he needed to downplay the Yangtze River incident and avoid placing the navy's actions under the public's scrutiny to prevent further escalation. If the Chinese pushed them too far and exposed Lin Feng's affair, Japan would be facing attacks from three sides.

Leaving aside how Japan racked its brains to deal with Britain's sudden shift in its China policy, the court discussions in Beijing had basically reached a conclusion. Empress Dowager Cixi's attitude was straightforward: since the Manchu nobles had tried and found they couldn't win in Wuhan, the only option was to delegate power to Han Chinese officials to handle the situation.

After the Boxer Rebellion, Empress Dowager Cixi clearly realized that the Manchus could no longer independently control the country. Therefore, the essence of her reforms upon returning to the capital was to delegate power to the powerful Han Chinese faction. However, by delegating power to the Beiyang clique, Cixi reorganized the Han Chinese bureaucratic group formed by the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact, thereby partially regaining the ruling power of the Manchus.

Prince Qing Yikuang colluded with Yuan Shikai and, together with his son Natong, sold official positions on a large scale. This was actually approved by Empress Dowager Cixi. This was not because Cixi favored Prince Qing, but because those who were willing to spend money to buy official positions from the court were at least not the private individuals of revolutionaries or other powerful ministers. Since the Manchus were no longer capable, these positions could not be given to the cronies of powerful ministers.

Only those Manchu nobles who were still confused about the situation remained indignant about the Qingna Company, believing that the two were ruining the Manchu empire. However, Empress Dowager Cixi was very astute. After the Hundred Days' Reform, ambitious and talented Han Chinese either became revolutionaries or joined powerful Han Chinese factions. Those Han Chinese willing to serve the Manchus were essentially the incompetent, talentless, and immoral. Those willing to buy official positions through the Qingna Company were at least hoping the court would survive a few more days so they could recoup their investment.

Yuan Shikai was indeed capable. He not only dealt with the Huai Army left behind by Li Hongzhang, but the court was also able to use his strength to deal with the governors and viceroys in the south. This was also the basis for Tie Liang's southward consolidation of power. Otherwise, no matter how much the Hunan Army had declined, it would not have been able to tolerate Tie Liang fighting for power in its territory so easily. Wasn't it just that Wei Guangtao was afraid of the two Beiyang standing armies under Yuan Shikai's command?

The most capable army under the Governor-General of Liangjiang was actually the Self-Strengthening Army, which Zhang Zhidong had trained during his tenure. However, this army was transferred to Shandong and handed over to Yuan Shikai in 1901. Therefore, when Tie Liang went south, the Governor-General of Liangjiang only had some old troops left. Wei Guangtao could only let Tie Liang do as he pleased, since Zhang Zhidong was tied down in Beijing by Empress Dowager Cixi and could not support him from Huguang.

However, what you fear most often comes to pass. The local power factions in Huguang that Cixi worried about ultimately turned against the court. Ma Yukun's Yi Army failed to suppress the Huguang New Army, and the power factions in Jiangzhe immediately began to unite with the court and the public to put pressure on the Manchus and seek constitutional reform. This meant that the Han Chinese power factions had united once again. Although this time they were not as united as the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact, the Han Chinese dissatisfaction with the court had begun to become more open.

Empress Dowager Cixi immediately summoned Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai, entrusting them with the task. She made it clear to them that whether fighting the Russians or the Battle of Wuhan, the court was incapable of winning, so war was impossible. However, since various regions believed that constitutionalism could save the country, it was worth discussing, but the process had to be cautious.

Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai had not anticipated that Empress Dowager Cixi's attitude would change so quickly. This meant that the prestige previously held by Manchu nobles in the court had been completely stripped away. Due to his awkward position, Zhang Zhidong had remained silent on the issue of constitutionalism, but this did not mean that he did not support it, as many of the key members of the Jiangzhe constitutional faction were his former advisors.

At this time, Yuan Shikai, as Cixi's chosen political ally, was at the height of his power, and thus spoke with considerable arrogance. He believed that the domestic political climate was beginning to shift, and that constitutionalism should indeed be considered. Yuan Shikai's words were not unfounded; Zhang Jian, with whom he had not been in contact for twenty years, also wrote to him about the benefits of constitutionalism.

In Yuan Shikai's view, a prominent family like Zhang Jian was the leader of the local gentry. Such a person would never support the revolutionaries. If even he started to support constitutionalism, it meant that the local situation was about to collapse, and without constitutionalism, a complete revolution would be inevitable.

After Empress Dowager Cixi made her stance clear, almost none of the so-called Manchu nobles dared to openly contradict her decisions, except for those who complained behind her back. Yuan Shikai, consequently, increasingly despised these so-called young Manchu officials. Standing before the palace gates, he sincerely said to Zhang Zhidong, "I once thought that eight or nine out of ten of the nation's talents were in the Beiyang clique, with the remaining one or two in Hubei. Today it seems that the talents of the Beiyang clique may not be able to compete with Tian, ​​Tang, Qin, Lin, and Wu. So, the next step, could we invite Tian and Tang to Beijing to discuss constitutionalism?"

Zhang Zhidong remained silent, recalling how Tian Junyi and the other young people had discussed matters with him. Finally, he shook his head and said, "Now that I think about it, what they saw was China, while what we saw was the Qing Dynasty. Constitutionalism is good, but whether it's for China or for the Qing Dynasty is not the same thing. Asking them to come to the capital to discuss constitutionalism is difficult for me."