Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 43

Apart from Hamburg-America Line, which benefited from the centralized management of the German Governor's Office in Jiaozhou and increased its fleet on the Qingdao route to 10 ships with a total tonnage of 25723 tons in just three years, achieving leapfrog development, other large German companies were dissatisfied with the militarized management style of the Jiaozhou Governor's Office.

The German Admiralty attempted to turn Qingdao into a German overseas military base, considering it an important part of Germany's world policy. However, this attempt to treat Jiaozhou Bay as a colony alienated the Chinese from Qingdao. The Governor of Jiaozhou Bay tried to use the Chinese as colonial slave laborers, and numerous conflicts arose with the people of Shandong during the construction of the Jiaoji Railway. This resulted in widespread hostility towards Germany in Shandong, and Chinese merchants were unwilling to do business with or work for the Germans.

Out of a sense of imperial honor, the German small and medium-sized enterprises supported the German Navy's actions, but almost all of their companies in Qingdao lost money. Meanwhile, large companies like Siemens and Krupp believed that developing Qingdao into a free port in China was more beneficial to Germany than turning it into a military fortress; otherwise, what was the point of building the Jiaoji Railway? The Chinese wouldn't want to trade with them.

Only under the premise of free trade could Qingdao Port, together with the Jiaoji Railway, transport German goods to the heart of Shandong. These large German companies were not afraid of competition, because no country currently had a stronger industrial capacity than Germany. However, they could not sell their goods to adversaries who were hostile to Germany; this was no longer a problem that trade could solve.

Although Alfred von Tirpitz rejected the criticism from German business circles, these large companies still had legs to walk and could run away. Especially after Siemens discovered the lucrative Huguang region, the Huguang Governor's Office solved almost all the investment problems for the Germans. All they had to do was plan and invest locally, which was exactly the perfect overseas sales market that German business circles wanted.

Hankou has essentially been regarded by the Germans as an Asian center for German culture and manufacturing, and the Germans naturally do not want any special rights of other countries to exist in this city.

Chapter 146 The New Situation Between China and Japan

Although Wuhan is not as conveniently located as Shanghai or Qingdao, and Germans believe that Wuhan's biggest drawback is its location too close to the heart of China, this has also created a special status for Wuhan: it has been a crossroads of eight provinces since ancient times, making it a trade center in the heart of China.

This means that once Wuhan improves its transportation conditions with the surrounding areas, its potential will not only far exceed that of Qingdao, but may even surpass that of Shanghai, the largest port in the Far East. Shanghai, however, is practically occupied by the British and French, and German activities there are implicitly hindered by them, even though Germany has signed an agreement with Britain.

However, Wuhan, the future megacity that will connect the three towns of Wuhan, is still in its pioneering stage. Various countries have merely occupied a piece of land in Hankou, built docks, and are waiting for the Chinese to come and trade. In fact, Russia, not Britain, had previously been the largest trading partner with China because the Russians needed Chinese tea. However, Britain had already begun to reduce its imports of Chinese tea and started promoting cheaper Indian tea in its domestic market.

Although Germany also saw the connection between Wuhan and the Chinese heartland, at first it only thought about selling German goods to the region, such as chemicals like pigments and soda ash. As an agricultural country, China was most likely to absorb some of Germany's chemical production capacity, because machinery was too expensive and China lacked the manpower to operate it.

This kind of port trade, similar to that of the 17th and 18th centuries, required relatively small initial investment, but the effort the Germans had to expend was far greater than that of trading in Europe. This is also why the Germans were reluctant to develop colonies. Although they verbally proclaimed their desire to win land under the sun for Germany, their actions betrayed their true intentions. Investing in plantations in African colonies was less cost-effective than directly importing raw materials from British and French colonies, which was also free from government oversight.

The advantage of these old colonial empires, such as Britain and France, lies in their history of colonial rule. These countries have established a system of governance and colonial economy in their colonies, and therefore can transport large amounts of resources from their colonies to supply factories in Europe at a relatively low cost.

As long as Britain and France did not adopt a policy of monopolizing the import and export trade of their colonies, Germany and the United States were not actually willing to challenge this world order. This was because they could easily sell their industrial products to the colonized regions and recover a large amount of resources and wealth from these regions by leveraging the colonial system established by Britain and France.

However, it was clear that Britain and France would not engage in such a losing proposition. The global colonial system they had built with so much manpower and resources was obviously not intended to serve late-developing industrialized nations like Germany and the United States. Faced with the technological advantages of Germany and the United States, Britain and France naturally and quickly leveraged their political advantages in their colonies to establish exclusive trade policies.

Realizing that Britain and France were beginning to refuse to board the ship of the world colonial system they had established, Germany naturally put forward its own world policy. However, the world policy of the Junker aristocracy was not the same as that of the German capitalists. The former's world policy was to achieve the same world colonial empire as Britain and France, while the latter was just using this world policy to intimidate Britain and France and force them to make certain concessions.

However, the agreement reached between Britain and France on the Moroccan issue made German capitalists realize that these old colonial empires would not budge on trade with Germany. As a result, anti-colonial ideas began to emerge in German intellectual circles, and cooperation between the Hubei and Hunan regions and German industry further accelerated the spread of this idea.

Only the Americans truly noticed this. While Britain, France, and Russia were puzzled as to why Germany had shifted from an extremely anti-China country to a friendly one, the Americans had already seen that Germany was reshaping its image in front of the Chinese to please them.

The Germans had forgotten what their emperor had said three years earlier, and instead began to openly sympathize with the Chinese resistance in the Boxer Rebellion, believing that it was missionaries and fanatical colonialists who had created the riots, not the Chinese.

When the Germans first made such remarks, it coincided with the commencement of construction on the railway bridge from Hanyang to Hankou. It is said that two highway bridges and one railway bridge were also planned for the Han River. Once completed, these bridges would connect Hankou, Hanyang, and Xiangyang upstream on the Han River. The completion of these railways and highways, combined with the existing Han River waterway, would reduce the flow of goods throughout the Jianghan Plain by nearly two-thirds.

Americans are no strangers to this kind of construction process; it's how they built the Erie Canal in the past. If we add the Luhan Railway currently under construction, resources from Henan, Shandong, and Hebei provinces can be concentrated in Hankou, processed initially, and then transported out of China via the Yangtze River. This is a rather massive and attractive national-level development plan.

Similar to the Germans, the United States also began to feel resentful of the old colonial system. Domestic support for the Open Door Policy dwindled, while voices advocating for free trade grew louder. This was because the United States, with its abundant natural resources, had already outpaced European countries in terms of cost; its only shortcoming was that its technological capabilities were not yet comparable to those of the European powers.

The open door policy, with everyone benefiting, was no longer sufficient for American capitalists. The enormous productive forces generated by American monopoly capital urgently needed a vast overseas market, and this market could only be found in Eurasia. South America and Africa lacked the capacity to absorb American industrial capacity.

The Yuehan Railway was indeed a good opportunity for the United States, but neither Guangzhou nor Wuhan, these two ports, were in American hands. Therefore, the right-of-way for this railway was almost an unattainable dream for the United States. In fact, the railway's initial progress was hindered by British and French obstruction, as Britain and France believed that the construction of this railway by the United States encroached on their sphere of influence.

Therefore, the US government did not interfere much with China's demand to redeem the Yuehan Railway, only requiring the Chinese government to protect the legitimate rights of American merchants. However, when Germany began to use the Chinese to exclude American trade in China, the Americans finally couldn't stand their ground.

In order to cover up Germany's illegal activities in the Boxer Rebellion and in Shandong, German capitalists began to fund anti-American propaganda in Chinese newspapers. Taking advantage of the anti-American movement launched by China to reclaim the rights to the Yuehan Railway, the Germans almost entirely blamed the Boxer Rebellion on American missionaries, believing that these American missionaries were simply enemies of Christ.

The US government, of course, could not tolerate Germany shaping the image of the US in the minds of the Chinese, as this would severely damage US interests in China. Realizing that established colonial empires like Britain and France were further dividing the world's power, Americans began to incorporate anti-imperialist concepts into their progressivism.

The United States clearly could not oppose imperialism while simultaneously allowing the Chinese to perceive it as imperialist; otherwise, all the gains from the anti-imperialist campaign would benefit the Germans. In late October, US Secretary of State John Hay telegraphed the US ministers to China and Japan. The telegram to the minister in China demanded a swift resolution to the Yuehan Railway issue and the restoration of America's image in China. The telegram to the minister in Japan instructed him to bypass the Japanese Foreign Minister and directly submit the terms of US-Japan negotiations to Japan's new Prime Minister.

Why did John Hay bypass the newly appointed Japanese Foreign Minister, Yukio Ozaki? Because although the former mayor of Tokyo showed great goodwill towards the United States during his tenure, such as sending a batch of cherry blossom saplings to Washington, Ozaki was not a true pro-American; he simply admired American republicanism.

After the new Japanese cabinet stabilized the domestic situation, the US government believed it was necessary to restart US-Japan negotiations. However, the newly appointed Foreign Minister Yukio Ozaki was much more interested in the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) than in coordinating with the US alone. Ozaki believed that this was the fundamental solution to the dispute between Japan and the US in the Pacific, and that unilateral coordination between Japan and the US was merely postponing the issue.

Ozaki Yukio's perception immediately alarmed the US government, precisely because it was the outcome they feared most. With Japan as a backer, the Rim of the Pacific Conference would inevitably become a rallying point for American nations to denounce the United States. Before the Panama Canal opened, Japan's power in the Pacific was virtually unmatched by the United States; with the added support of American nations, American interests in the Pacific would be almost impossible to protect, and even Alaska and California would be in danger.

To avoid this worst-case scenario, John Hay had no choice but to bypass the new Japanese Foreign Minister and negotiate directly with the new Japanese Prime Minister. The Americans' assessment was correct. Although he stabilized the domestic situation through a pre-issued political declaration after taking office, Ito Sukeyuki felt considerable pressure. The army was watching him closely, and he had a feeling that if the army found any fault with him, they would not hesitate to overthrow the cabinet.

Under these circumstances, Ito Sukeyuki had to rely on old shogunate figures and liberals to win over farmers and workers in order to counter the major zaibatsu and their political representatives. This struggle was indeed not easy. Although the members of parliament expressed their general support for the proposal to support independent farmers, they obstructed the implementation of the policy, almost rendering the proposal a dead letter.

Proposals regarding minimum wage and worker health insurance were directly rejected by most lawmakers. Some lawmakers argued, "As a developing country, Japan lags behind advanced nations technologically, has few overseas colonies, and is resource-poor. Japanese industry can only rely on the dedication of its people. If the people lose even this dedication, how can Japan compete with advanced nations?"

The cabinet's proposal to acquire private railways and private land in Tokyo through government-issued bonds received unanimous approval from lawmakers, as it would allow railway shareholders and land speculators to make a fortune. Faced with this tempting offer from the Americans, Ito Sukeyuki naturally had no choice but to accept.

Chapter 147 Prime Minister Ito's Rise to Power

On November 3, Ito Sukeyuki submitted a draft agreement to the Imperial Household Agency for record-keeping. Soon after, elder statesmen such as Yamagata were summoned to the Imperial Household Agency to discuss the Japan-US agreement submitted by Prime Minister Ito. Emperor Meiji, who had been diagnosed with diabetes and was usually somewhat listless, was considerably more invigorated at this meeting.

Emperor Meiji's excitement was well-founded. Inoue Kaoru, after reading the contents of the agreement, exclaimed incredulously, "Have the Americans lost their minds? We haven't done anything, and they're willing to offer up Mindanao to shut us up?"

Yamagata Aritomo also thought that the Americans must be crazy, or that the US Secretary of State was a traitor. How could they cede territory and sue for peace without even fighting a war? This was even worse than the Qing Dynasty.

Hirobumi Ito was the calmest of them all. He casually said to Kaoru Inoue, "It's just a deserted island. The natives on the island have been resisting since the Spanish rule. The Americans probably gave us the island so readily just to get rid of a burden. We don't need to take it too seriously."

Matsukata Masayoshi was somewhat unconvinced. "This deserted island is almost half the size of Honshu. Regardless of whether it's a burden on the Americans, we can't turn it away."

Ito Hirobumi said, "I'm not saying we should shut them out, but rather that we should think it through. Once we take this land, we'll be entering the British sphere of influence, and the British won't be happy to see us exert influence in Southeast Asia."

Ito Sukeyuki remained silent. He felt that saying anything more in this setting would be presumptuous; the elders wouldn't possibly reject such an agreement, as the public wouldn't understand such an action. Therefore, anything he said now would only arouse suspicion among the elders, because this achievement was simply too great.

Ito's judgment was correct. After some deliberation, the elders still believed that they should accept the Americans' suggestion and sign the Japan-US Friendship Agreement. After leaving the palace, Ito Sukeyuki stopped Yamagata Aritomo at the palace gate and said, "I have made almost all the arrangements here. I wonder when the army will allow us to make our move."

Yamagata turned and winked at Oyama Iwao, who immediately said, "A week from now. However, there are two people who should be handled by the army. I'm worried that the police might leak the information and cause trouble."

After a few seconds of silence, Ito Sukeyuki asked, "Which two?"

Oyama Iwao said, "Toyama Mitsuru, Hiraoka Kotaro."

Ito Sukeyuki glanced at Yamagata Aritomo, who remained expressionless beside him, and finally nodded, saying, "As long as they don't show up in Japan again."

Oyama looked at Yamagata, nodded to Ito Sukeyuki and said, "Then I'll leave it to you."

After Yamagata Aritomo and Oyama Iwao boarded the carriage, they finally sighed and said, "Ito will be as solid as a rock."

Oyama Iwao could only remain silent. Yamagata was right. What seemed to be the biggest and most troublesome issue for the Ito cabinet—the Japan-US problem—had suddenly become rock-solid thanks to the Americans' voluntary concessions. At this point, criticizing Ito for lacking political experience would inevitably provoke public resentment. After all, who could force a great power to cede such a large territory without firing a single shot? Even if the army later defeated the Russians, it would be difficult to overshadow Ito's current glory.

On November 7, U.S. Secretary of State John Hay, during questioning in the Senate regarding the U.S.-Japan friendship agreement, stated, "You senators cannot simply think that this agreement caused us to lose a piece of territory. The fact is, this agreement allowed us to retain one of the most valuable parts of the Philippine Islands and dismantle an anti-American alliance across the Pacific. I believe there is no more valuable agreement than this..."

John Hay's statement was endorsed by the Senate. Everyone is well aware that if such an anti-American alliance around the Pacific were to form, the United States would have no interests left in the Pacific. After all, the Hawaiian Islands could also secede from the United States. The United States does not currently have the ability to confront such an alliance in the Pacific.

On November 9th, Japanese newspapers published excerpts from the Japan-U.S. Friendship Agreement, primarily showcasing the territories entrusted to Japan by the U.S. under Japanese guardianship. Immediately, the Japanese public was filled with jubilation, and much of their previous discontent with the government dissipated.

On the evening of November 9th, Heikichi Ogawa sat in the office of Justice Minister Yoshimichi Hara, looking somewhat restless at the clock beside him. In just over three hours, the operation would begin. Hara, on the other hand, sat quietly at his desk, reviewing a list, appearing remarkably calm.

Even Ogawa Heikichi had to admit that this position was only fit for Hara Yoshimichi; he himself couldn't command such a large-scale manhunt with such composure. Although that was what he thought, he still couldn't help but cough a few times and ask, "Won't the operation go wrong? The Genyosha isn't exactly a law-abiding organization."

Hara Yoshimichi glanced up at him, then lowered his head again to check the list in his hand, saying casually, "I know, most of the mine owners I encountered in my previous mining lawsuits had backgrounds with the Genyosha. These people often threaten workers and villagers with force to force them not to interfere with the operation of the mine, and even the police and the courts can't do anything about them."

Now that I have this opportunity, how could I not carefully clean it up? These people are the scourge of society. Speaking of which, when can I meet our fellow Nagano native? If it weren't for him, I really wouldn't have gotten this chance.”

Ogawa Heikichi nodded slightly and replied, "There will be opportunities. He hasn't graduated yet, has he? We Nagano people need to support each other to progress together..."

Looking at Kodama Gentaro sitting across from him, with only two cups of long-cold tea in front of them, Tomiyama Mitsuru calmly said, "The collapse of Tokyo land prices is absolutely not the work of Genyosha. Perhaps some Genyosha members have speculated on land, but that was their personal behavior and has nothing to do with our company. I am willing to appear in court to stand trial."

Gentaro Kodama scratched his head in distress and said with a sigh, "This is troublesome, Toyama. You may be innocent, but is the Genyosha really innocent? I'm sitting here trying to persuade you because I know this case can't be overturned. The Army doesn't want you to be tried in public, which is why they sent me to persuade you to leave Japan. Go to Korea, Taiwan, or even China. Wait until things calm down, then come back, isn't that the same?"

Fu Shan was trembling with anger. He was always the one threatening others, but this time he was the one being threatened. He finally said with a stern face, "What will happen if I don't leave?"

Just as Kodama was about to speak, a report came from outside. He apologized to Tomiyama Mitsuru, got up, went out and said a few words to his subordinates, then returned with a heavy expression and said to Tomiyama Mitsuru, "Bad news. Representative Hiraoka suffered a heart attack and has been taken to the hospital. Tomiyama, please don't get agitated. It wouldn't be good if you had a heart attack too."

Tomiyama's eyes widened suddenly as he looked at Kodama, whose face was grave. He trembled with anger and said, "Is this how the army treats patriots who sacrificed their lives for the country?"

Kodama sighed and said to Tomiyama Mitsuru, "Do you think the Army doesn't feel the pain? We've invested so many resources in you, and now we're forced to cut off this hand. The Army has done its best to protect the core of Genyosha."

Tomiyama Mitsuru looked at Kodama in disbelief and said, "The Genyosha is the Navy's eyes and ears. Why would the Navy do this? I want to see Minister Yamamoto."

Kodama shook his head and said, "Since you're the Navy's eyes and ears, don't you even know who's in charge in the Navy right now? To put it simply, the Japan-US friendship agreement gave the Navy a foothold for the Southern Expansion Theory, and at this point, the Genyosha, which supports the Northern Expansion Theory, has become the Navy's enemy. Even the Army can't stop the Navy's advance now. If you leave Japan, you'll still have a chance to come back."

Tomiyama felt a pang of sadness and couldn't help but say, "Couldn't they at least give us a heads-up about this kind of thing? They should at least give us a choice."

Kodama looked at him meaningfully and said, "Does the Genyosha really have a choice?"

Tomiyama Mitsuru then realized that the army would never let them jump back onto the navy's ship. The navy had simply used the simplest, most brutal, yet most effective method. With this blow, no matter what Genyosha chose, it had become harmless.

With things having come to this point, Tomiyama Mitsuru had no choice but to admit defeat. He simply asked, "Is the Black Dragon Society also involved?"

After a moment of silence, Kodama replied, "Uchida will go abroad with you."

At 10:20 PM, Toyama Mitsuru, accompanied by two followers, packed some clothes and valuables and followed Kodama into the carriage. Inside, Toyama Mitsuru greedily gazed at the street scenes outside. Although the night was dark and the view was unclear, he could recall the images of these places in his mind. He knew very well that he wouldn't be returning anytime soon; since the Navy had taken such drastic measures, they wouldn't let them return so easily.

The carriage traveled for a long time before finally passing through the streets familiar to Toyama Mitsuru. Only then did he reluctantly lower the curtain and ask the quiet Kodama beside him, "No matter how I think about it, I don't believe that Prime Minister Ito is such a decisive person. Who exactly orchestrated this operation?"

The flickering light of the kerosene lamp hanging beside the car shone on Kodama, making his face appear to change in and out of focus, revealing almost no expression. Tomiyama only heard the other man reply, "Indeed, Prime Minister Ito doesn't have that kind of courage, but you don't need to inquire about such matters. Because as long as such a person exists, he will be exposed to the light of day; no one can hide in darkness forever. For now, it's best for you to remain silent. There's no benefit in provoking the Navy now; they've already become national heroes."

After hearing this, Tomiyama Mitsuru remained silent for a moment before saying, "I don't have any other thoughts. I'm just wondering if the Japan-US friendship agreement was also part of his calculations? Otherwise, why would the Navy instigate a war of words between Japan and the US for no reason?"

Kodama was now truly pondering the matter. If the Japan-US friendship agreement was also part of the Navy's calculations, then the situation was becoming quite alarming. Tomiyama Mitsuru then said quietly, "If this is true, then the Navy isn't targeting the Genyosha and the Black Dragon Society; they're clearly targeting the Army. We're just the first casualty..."

Kodama ultimately didn't respond to Toyama Mitsuru's words. He saw Toyama onto the train and hurriedly said goodbye and left. As Kodama left the station, and Toyama Mitsuru, Uchida Ryohei, and others boarded the night train to Yokohama, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office and the Ministry of Home Affairs Police Bureau, under the command of the Minister of Justice, began a crackdown. This wasn't just an operation in Tokyo, but a nationwide operation. The Genyosha, which claimed to have 80,000 members, vanished within three days thanks to the Ministry of Justice's actions.

Chapter 148 Meritorious Service

The signing of the Japan-US Friendship Agreement was indeed a great success for Ito Sukeyuki. Before the US Congress had even formally approved the agreement, the Imperial Household Agency had already recognized Ito's achievement as a great deed and was to award him the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Chrysanthemum and promote him to the rank of Marquis.

Upon hearing this news, Ito Sukeyuki knew that the seemingly insignificant rope around his neck had finally snapped. He was no longer just an elder representing the Navy, but a true elder who could stand on equal footing with Yamagata and others.

This brought him numerous benefits, such as the fact that the candidates for Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff and Commandant of the Naval Academy could finally be decided. Even after he formed a cabinet and became Prime Minister, the Yamamoto faction in the Navy still dared to resist him. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was indeed unable to stop Kawahara Yoichi from taking the position of Minister of the Naval General Staff, because Kawahara was his contemporary and his seniority was not inferior.

However, Yamamoto was quite determined regarding the positions of Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff and Naval Academy, stating that if Togo were to become Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff, then the position of Naval Academy Principal should be decided by the Ministry of the Navy. Yamamoto nominated Izuwa Shigeto, the Director of the Military Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of the Navy. Although not from Satsuma, his ability to serve as the Director of the Military Affairs Bureau despite being from a pirate domain speaks volumes about his capabilities.

Thus, the matter of promoting Togo Masamichi to Vice Minister was delayed. Ito Sukeyuki was indeed unable to suppress Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, who had the upper hand, after all, Yamamoto had been groomed as Saigo's successor for the past decade. However, with the signing of the Japan-US Friendship Agreement, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had no choice but to sue for peace with Prime Minister Ito. This event had become a milestone in the navy, making Ito's prestige in the navy unparalleled for a time, on par with Saigo Tsugumichi. Yamamoto could no longer continue to confront Ito.

Even his close confidant Saito Minoru advised him not to confront Prime Minister Ito, who was rising to power, at this time. Ito had become a military god in the eyes of the people. Just as the army had to abandon Genyosha, the Yamamoto faction could not withstand the pressure from Prime Minister Ito, who had the support of the whole country. If the two sides really turned against each other, how many people in the navy would still support their faction was a real question.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was not as tough as he usually appeared. After all, he spent most of his life formulating various plans in the Ministry of the Navy and had little contact with the front-line naval forces. Ito Sukeyuki, on the other hand, was a general who had fought in the Sino-Japanese War and had considerable influence in the front-line troops.

Ito Sukeyuki's only flaw was his poor command ability. During the Battle of the Yellow Sea, he used inexplicable flag signals, causing chaos in the fleet. If the Qing fleet hadn't been even more incompetent, they might not have achieved any glory in this battle. Of course, during the subsequent naval investigation, the blame for the chaos caused by Ito was shifted to others, thus saving Ito's face.

However, this time, solely through diplomatic efforts, Ito forced the Americans to make significant concessions, truly erasing this stain and gaining genuine recognition from the navy. If the navy were now given the choice between Yamamoto and Prime Minister Ito, everyone would naturally choose the latter, given that Yamamoto had never achieved a glorious victory, and the military always follows the strong.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's concession was a great victory for the Naval General Staff. The newly appointed Chief of Staff, Kawahara, was overjoyed and immediately drafted a list of those who had made meritorious contributions and submitted it to Itō.

Ito glanced at the others, but lingered on one name for a long time before looking up at Kawahara and asking, "Do you think a Level 4 merit is enough for the reward?"

He Yuan hesitated for a moment before saying with difficulty, "But for Xinyi, the fourth level of merit is already the highest level. Going any higher would be a bit too shocking."

Ito leaned back and remained silent for a long time before saying, "The fact that the Americans made such a big concession this time is itself an earth-shattering event. Since it has such an earth-shattering achievement, it should naturally be rewarded in an earth-shattering way. Otherwise, how can it convince the public?"

Kawahara was momentarily at a loss for words, but Ito quickly added, "However, Nobuyoshi is still young, and overestimating him wouldn't be good for his growth. This time we've really offended the Army. If the Army finds out that Nobuyoshi was behind all of this, it won't be good for him either. So what you did wasn't entirely wrong."

However, since this award doesn't truly recognize Xinyi's achievements, there's no need to go for the highest rank. He can't be given the same status as a major right after graduation, can he? How would his superiors manage that? I think a fifth-rank merit would suffice; that way, there's no need to report it to the Imperial Household Agency. The Army won't even notice him…”

Kawahara, of course, would not object to Prime Minister Ito's suggestion, but he quickly added, "So, has Your Excellency decided on the nomination for the Commandant of the Naval Academy?"

After a few seconds of silence, Ito Sukeyuki asked, "Who do you think would be more suitable?"

Kawahara replied without hesitation, "I think the first inning's director, Tomioka Sadayasu, is quite good."

Ito said, somewhat taken aback, "Isn't Tomioka one of Saito Minoru's men?"

Kawara nodded and said, "We initially prevented the Navy Ministry from interfering in the appointments of the Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff and the Principal of the Naval Academy because these two positions were very important to us. However, now that Your Excellency has completely suppressed Minister Yamamoto, there is no need to compete with him for the position of Principal. I imagine Minister Yamamoto wouldn't dare to have any further thoughts about the Naval Research Conference. Instead, we need to adjust the personnel within the Naval General Staff. We can't let Yamamoto's people continue to hold important positions."

Ito Sukeyuki was well aware that the Naval General Staff was his foothold in the Navy. Without this foothold, his authority in the Navy could not be translated into actual orders, making it difficult to counter official documents from the Ministry of the Navy. He also could not relinquish control of the Naval General Staff, after all, becoming Prime Minister was not the end, but another beginning, and the struggle among the elder statesmen was actually even more intense.

Togo Masamichi quickly received a telegram from Tokyo and immediately summoned Lin Xinyi to his office, intending to share the good news. However, after explaining the reward for Lin Xinyi, he saw the man lounging on the sofa, showing no sign of excitement. This prompted him to ask, "Xinyi, do you think a fifth-grade merit is too low? I think so too..."

Lin Xinyi shook his head, interrupting Principal Togo, and said, "I have no objection to the level of merit, but I just feel that Prime Minister Ito's handling of this matter is really hard to describe. It's quite like the Chinese proverb: 'Pick up sesame seeds but lose watermelon.'"

Togo Masamichi was at a loss for words. In his view, the fact that the US had relinquished such a large tract of land without firing a shot was an unprecedented success for the Navy. The Army hadn't gotten a single thing; it was all the Navy's doing. If one were to be even more precise, the credit actually belonged to the Naval General Staff, and even the Ministry of the Navy had little to do with it, because the Naval General Staff had planned everything from information analysis to proposing the Rim of the Pacific Conference.

No one in the Navy dared to say that the Naval General Staff was doing a bad job, but Lin Xinyi really had the right to say that, because the Naval General Staff's analysis and planning schemes were all modifications of the analysis reports and recommendations he submitted. They were not modified in a more thorough direction, but rather in a direction that would reduce the conflict between Japan and the United States. However, this also greatly reduced the target value of Lin Xinyi's plan.

Hayashi Shin-yi continued, "My original goal was to prevent the U.S. Navy from entering the Pacific for 20 years and to maintain Japan's dominant position over the U.S. in the Pacific for 50 years. But now, Prime Minister Ito has opened up the passage that blocked the U.S. Navy's access to the Pacific for the sake of a few deserted islands. Isn't this losing the big picture for the small gain?"

That's it. Faced with such a grand goal, Mindanao and the Pangutan Islands are indeed a double-edged sword for the Japanese Navy, because they cannot stop the growth of American naval power in the Pacific. Togo Masamichi thought to himself, but aloud he still advised, "Your goal is indeed very ambitious, but it is still somewhat unrealistic for the navy. Compared with future goals, the Japanese prefer the fruits of their labor. Prime Minister Ito also has his own difficulties."

Lin Xinyi also found it all rather pointless. He genuinely wanted Japan and the United States to fight a war, so that there would be no Russo-Japanese War, since Japan's war potential was only enough for one major war. He wasn't doing all this to strengthen Japan; in fact, he was doing it to thwart Japan's continental policy. Otherwise, he might as well have gone to a prestigious high school and comfortably become an elite bureaucrat.

Thinking of this, he lost interest and said, "Therefore, I am unworthy of this honor, because this was not my proposal, but Prime Minister Ito's personal idea. I ask Principal Togo to petition Minister Kawahara to remove my name from the list of award recipients."

Togo Masamune truly disliked Lin Xinyi's attitude. The military honors that everyone in the army dreamed of were treated like cabbages at the market, something Lin Xinyi could pick and choose from. How could anyone bear it? However, he also knew that he had to appease Lin Xinyi at this point. If he really refused the award, what would happen to the honors of others? Everyone had only received their merits because of this favorable wind; could they really be so shameless as to accept them without a second thought?

Togo Masamichi had no choice but to persuade him, "This won't do. Prime Minister Ito himself said that the one who deserves the most credit this time is actually you, not him. It's just that the current circumstances aren't suitable, so he accepted the honor on your behalf. You see, Prime Minister Ito hasn't forgotten your contributions. How can you hold a grudge against him? That's not how you behave. Besides, if you don't accept this honor, what will happen to the others at the naval seminar? Will they also refuse to accept it?"

Lin Xinyi curled his lip and said, "It's just the seventh class of the Order of the Sergeant. We cadets are just enjoying the sergeant's treatment at school, we're not real sergeants. To try and fool them with the seventh class of the Order of the Sergeant, Chief of Staff Kawahara is being a bit stingy. Will we even be able to wear it out in public after we graduate?"

Dongxiang Zhenglu felt the veins in his forehead throbbing violently. He finally managed to calm himself and said, "You can't say that. If we give them the sixth-class honors, then everyone in this group will receive special commendations. What about the students from the 31st and 30th classes...?"

Chapter 149 Maintaining the Status of the Military Command

After hearing Togo Masamichi's explanation, Hayashi Shinji felt powerless. After all, breaking the rules was seen as a power grab by the senior naval officers, and no one would truly accept it. He had managed to get this far without falling because of his prophetic abilities. If he hadn't known the course of history, how could he have used Saigo and Ito's power to suppress the current Minister of the Navy?

Just as Lin Xinyi was about to get up to take his leave, Dongxiang stopped him. After hesitating for a moment, he still spoke to him, saying, "I will be going to the capital soon. Although I will no longer be your principal, I will not give up my support for the naval seminar. If you have any questions, you can come to me, and I will do my best to help."

Hearing Dongxiang's statement, Lin Xinyi simply sat back down. He looked at Dongxiang seriously and said, "Since you, Principal, have spoken up, it would be presumptuous of me not to say a few words. I wonder if you would be willing to listen to my ramblings? If you can listen to them, it would be my honor. If you find them unbearable, just consider it as me talking nonsense because I'm drunk today."

Dongxiang no longer regarded Lin Xinyi as an ignorant country bumpkin. After spending so much time together, he knew that Lin Xinyi was actually quite shrewd and that his words were never unfounded. Therefore, he readily replied, "Just say what you have to say. I don't consider you an outsider."

Lin Xinyi then sat up straight, his expression much more serious than before. "I wonder what the principal thinks of the Military Command these days?"

Togo hesitated for a while before saying, "The Naval General Staff should be the second most important agency after the Navy Ministry, I mean within the Navy."

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "I don't see it that way. In my opinion, the Naval General Staff's own status in the Navy hasn't changed much. What has changed is Chief of Staff Ito's status in the Navy. Because Chief of Staff Ito's status in the Navy has been elevated, the status of the Naval General Staff has also been elevated. Chief of Staff Ito hasn't completely separated from the Navy yet, so the Naval General Staff's status can rival that of the Navy Ministry in the Navy."