Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 28

Therefore, Sadaoyi not only did not criticize Zhang Zhidong's recent friendly attitude towards Germany, but also expressed his understanding to Tao Senjia. However, he still reminded Zhang Zhidong's representative to tell the governor that commercial cooperation with Germany should be based on the principles of fairness and justice, and that British merchants should not be excluded.

In response to the warning from the British minister, Tao Senjia adopted a humble stance, indicating that the Governor-General did not intend to exclude British merchants from developing in Huguang. He stated that as long as British merchants were willing to invest in Huguang, the Governor-General would provide the same convenience. This was because the Governor-General had decided to establish a special industrial zone in Hanyang, with local investment from Huguang for infrastructure construction, and merchants from all countries could invest and set up factories within the industrial zone under equal conditions.

The British minister was satisfied with the goodwill shown by Zhang Zhidong and then brought up the issue of the arms embargo. "...Regarding the arms embargo proposed by Your Excellency, our country also believes that it is not very appropriate. If your government cannot obtain the import of weapons, then it will be unable to maintain local security, which is obviously detrimental to the safety of foreigners."

However, the arms embargo against China is a consensus among all countries, and our country cannot overturn this consensus. Moreover, your country has already signed and recognized it, so there is nothing I can do now.

The British minister paused here, then continued, "However, we can assure the Governor that this clause will not be extended after two years."

After thinking for a moment, Tao Senjia decided to follow Tian Junyi's advice and probe the British minister's intentions: "We can understand that the Boxer Rebellion in the north has damaged the mutual trust between our country and other countries, so these countries want to warn our country by banning the import of weapons."

If all other countries shared your views, then our country would have no objection to the arms embargo. However, Russia now occupies our Manchurian region and is attempting to permanently occupy it. If other countries continue to maintain the arms embargo against our country, the ultimate beneficiary will only be Russia. Is your country willing to see such an outcome?

Sadaoyi pondered Tao Senjia's proposal. Indeed, Russia's current actions in Manchuria were highly suspicious. However, he quickly regained his composure and said to Tao Senjia, "You are not the first Chinese to express concern about Russia's actions in Manchuria, but you are the first to attempt to arm yourself to confront Russia. But, does Your Excellency truly have the confidence to counter Russia's expansionist desires in the East?"

Seeing that the British were softening their stance, Tao Senjia immediately seized the opportunity and said, "This is why we need weapons to build a new army. Of course, we will not make things difficult for our British friends. Our cooperation with Germany will overshadow your country's support for us."

After a moment's thought, Sadao said, "We certainly won't prevent your country from defending its rights unless Russia takes further action to lift the arms embargo. But before that, we will not undermine the principle of unity among the great powers, which is the cornerstone of stabilizing the situation in the Far East. However…"

When the Allied forces captured Tianjin, they seized an arms depot containing hundreds of cannons and machine guns, as well as 3 rifles…

Chapter 96 The Death of Li Hongzhang

As darkness fell, Tao Senjia finally returned to his residence, where he found Tian Junyi and Cai E sitting in the living room drinking and chatting. Upon seeing Tao Senjia return, the two quickly got up to greet him and brought him a set of bowls and chopsticks.

Tao Senjia took a sip of wine to moisten his throat before speaking to the two men: "Junyi's guess is correct. The British are indeed very wary of Russia. According to your statement, I told the British minister that the current arms embargo on China would only embolden the Russians in the Far East, and he readily agreed."

Cai E asked with slight anxiety, "Have the British agreed to help us lift the arms embargo?"

Tao Senjia shook his head and said, "Britain does not want to directly intervene in the issues between Russia and our country unless Russia actually launches a war against China."

Tian Jun nodded and said, "This is very much in line with the British character. They need us to first demonstrate the will and ability to resist the Russians before they will place their bets on us. If we continue to maintain a weak stance towards Russia, or if we are unable to withstand the Russian attack, then Britain will not get bogged down in this mess."

During the Crimean War, British and French support for the Ottoman Empire began after the war started, not before. Therefore, if we cannot demonstrate any value, we shouldn't expect much help from the British.

Cai E fell silent, while Tao Senjia nodded but then spoke up: "However, the British didn't give us nothing. They plan to transfer the weapons that the court purchased for the Beiyang Fleet to us. I've looked at the general list, and the total value should not be less than £250 million."

Cai E raised an eyebrow and asked, "Give it away for free?"

Tao Senjia shook his head and said, "There's no such thing as a free lunch. These weapons are already spoils of war for the Allied forces, and the Allied forces have agreed to destroy them. However, the weapons depot is now managed by the Germans and the British. The minister's idea is that we should come up with 20 pounds, and he will hand it over to the British army in exchange for the British army's withdrawal from the weapons depot. As for the Germans, we'll have to deal with them ourselves."

Cai E said somewhat dejectedly, "Taking our things and then selling them back to us, that's quite a good business."

Tian Junyi downed a glass of wine, then let out a long sigh and said, "It's already good enough that we were able to buy it back. If we don't buy it, Yuan Shikai will definitely buy it back anyway, so we might as well buy it."

Tao Senjia nodded and said, "This batch of weapons really can't fall into Yuan Shikai's hands, otherwise the Huai Clique could completely suppress the South. You'll be handling most of the negotiations with the Germans, so I'll leave this matter to you. I'll send a telegram to Xiang Shuai to explain..."

The Xianliang Temple was filled with anguish. On his way back after signing the agreement, Li Hongzhang suddenly vomited blood incessantly, "purplish-black in color, with large clots," and "could not stop coughing up phlegm, unable to eat or drink." From then on, Li Hongzhang was bedridden and could no longer leave the temple.

For the Huai Army, their world was collapsing. Li Jingshu, Zhou Fu, Ma Yukun, and others stayed by Li Hongzhang's side, their faces filled with worry every day. On the morning of November 8, Li Hongzhang became a little more lucid and seemed able to speak. Li Jingshu and Zhou Fu immediately went to him and asked if he needed food or drink.

Li waved his hand, merely gesturing for the two to help him to his feet. A moment later, a maid brought in ginseng soup, and Li Jingshu quickly fed his father a few mouthfuls. Li Hongzhang's face flushed slightly, and he pushed the bowl away, saying, "That's enough. Have the two palaces set off yet?"

Sitting on the edge of the bed, Li Jingshu turned to Zhou Fu. Zhou Fu, who was standing by the bed with his body bowed, couldn't bear to trouble Li Hongzhang any further, so he nodded repeatedly and said, "The two palaces have set off and will arrive in the capital soon. Your Excellency doesn't need to worry about it. The foreign troops have also begun to withdraw, and Beijing will soon be peaceful again."

Leaning against the soft pillows, Li Hongzhang, his eyes half-open, sneered, "Can things still be peaceful? I don't think they can be peaceful at all."

Zhou Fu was speechless for a moment, feeling a pang of sadness, but he quickly rallied and said to Li Hongzhang, "Does Your Excellency have anything to say to the Empress Dowager?"

Li Hongzhang shook his head laboriously and said, "What else can I say? Everyone in the world says that Mr. Li is a traitor, and there is nothing more to say. I have devoted myself to the Qing Dynasty to the utmost until my dying breath, so there is no need to say anything more."

Zhou Fu remained silent for a moment before finally asking, "So, does Your Excellency have any explanation for the Huai Clique?"

After a moment of silence, Li Hongzhang said, "Without the Huai Clique, where is the Huai Clique now?"

Although he knew it was inappropriate, Zhou Fu still braced himself and continued to ask, "We've all followed you for so long, surely you should leave us a message?"

Li Hongzhang finally opened his eyes and glanced at Zhou Fu. This glance seemed to restore some of his spirits, causing Zhou Fu to lower her head in sweat. Only then did Li Hongzhang withdraw his gaze, sigh, and say, "Weiting can't save the Qing Dynasty, nor can he save the Huai Clique, and he might not even be able to save himself. Do whatever you want."

Zhou Fu dared not continue, so he changed the subject and asked, "Has Your Excellency given any instructions regarding family affairs?"

As Li Hongzhang was deep in thought, a sudden commotion erupted outside. Zhou Fu, enraged, turned and went out, wanting to see which servant was so audacious as to cause trouble at this time. However, he froze at the doorway, for he saw the Russian minister, accompanied by several attendants, forcefully barge in. Ma Yukun pleaded with him, but to no avail.

The Russian minister walked to the door and pushed Zhou Fu aside. He then immediately saw Li Hongzhang lying on the bed and exclaimed with delight, "Isn't Your Excellency able to get up? How come you're unconscious?"

Ma Yukun and Zhou Fu dared not speak their anger at the Russians, and could only watch helplessly as the Russian minister walked to the bedside and said to Li Hongzhang, "Your Excellency, you have already signed the Boxer Rebellion Agreement, so shouldn't we also resolve the Manchurian issue between China and Russia...?"

Li Hongzhang had a half-smile on his face as he listened to the Russian envoy's incessant chatter by the bedside. At first, no one around him reacted. It wasn't until the Russian envoy tried to get Li Hongzhang to produce his official seal for stamping on the spot that Li Jingshu noticed his father's head drooping. He reached out and touched his nose, and immediately burst into tears.

Now, Ma Yukun and Zhou Fu no longer cared about the Russians. They rushed to the bedside, pushed the Russian minister aside, and began to check Li Hongzhang's pulse. The Russian minister, who had been pushed aside, initially thought Li Hongzhang was faking his death and was still somewhat unwilling to give up. However, seeing the Chinese people around the bed kneeling on the ground and wailing, he reluctantly bowed to Li Hongzhang's body and then quietly ran away.

Li Hongzhang's death marked the end of an era in China. When Empress Dowager Cixi received news of Li Hongzhang's death in Xi'an, she lamented to Duanfang, "From now on, there is no one left to consult on state affairs."

The death of Li Hongzhang was met with widespread condolences, seemingly improving his reputation and absolving him of guilt for signing the Boxer Protocol. However, amidst the general praise, a discordant voice emerged: the National Daily offered a ten-character tribute to Li Hongzhang's death: "A loyal dog of the Qing Dynasty, a sinner of China."

Lin Xinyi, who was far away on Etajima Island, also saw the news of Li Hongzhang's death, but he was busy with research on a naval symposium, so he only glanced at the news and then put it aside.

Over the past few months, at his insistence, the university not only invited Professor Abe to lecture on socialist thought for the naval symposium, but also invited Shiga Shigeaki, a proponent of the southward expansion theory, and others.

The new topic of the naval symposium, through its connections with these prominent figures, unexpectedly transformed into a loosely organized political gathering revolving around the theory of southward expansion. In other words, past discussions about southward expansion were essentially personal opinions; while these individuals might share similar views, they remained merely at the level of individual perspectives.

But now, thanks to the naval symposium, these prominent figures advocating for southward expansion finally found common ground. This common ground led to exchanges, and these exchanges led to the formation of a group. The naval symposium suddenly expanded from a student group to extend beyond the university.

Realizing that the naval seminar could open up connections with higher-ups, the number of students applying to join surged. At the request of several members, Lin Xinyi was forced to reorganize the naval seminar.

For ease of management and discussion, members are divided into three levels: ordinary, senior, and elite. Those who join for the first time and have never submitted a project or whose submission was unsuccessful are ordinary members. These members can participate in general seminars but have no other privileges.

Members who have submitted one major project or more than three minor projects are called senior members. Under the leadership of elite members, they organize general seminars and participate in the preliminary review of projects.

Those who have submitted at least one major project and whose discussion results are considered successful are called elite members. In addition to the power to organize meetings, they also have the right to conduct a second review of the initially screened projects and select suitable projects for discussion.

In addition to the three membership levels, there is also an executive group that disregards seniority. This group mainly serves the naval seminars, and members can sign up voluntarily and have their applications reviewed by Lin Xinyi.

The reforms to the naval seminar were well-received by students and the university administration, with the administration even considering adding the status of elite members to individual performance evaluations. This is because the administration believes that elite members have already demonstrated leadership among the cadets, a quality highly valued by naval officers.

Chapter 97 Advice for Kawahara (Part 1)

"Lin Xinyi." "Here."

While discussing a physics problem with his classmates, Lin Xinyi subconsciously stood up and answered. Sure enough, the familiar voice belonged to Instructor Yamada. Yamada walked up to him, looked him up and down, and then said to him in a gentle tone, "Go to the principal's office. Principal Kawahara wants to see you."

Then Yamada turned to the students in the classroom and said sternly, "The next kendo class will have a class competition. The losing class will have to clean the kendo classroom for the next semester. I hope you won't let me down..."

Lin Xinyi walked out of the classroom under the envious gazes of his classmates. The kendo and judo classes at the naval academy were not for the purpose of improving the students' physical fitness, but rather to cultivate their perseverance.

However, in Lin Xinyi's view, this is actually a public execution performance in which the strong bully the weak, allowing some students to vent their dissatisfaction with the constraints within the military academy, and allowing other students to transfer their hatred for the school to the students who bullied them. It is a management tactic used by the school to divert students' attention. Although it is outdated, it is indeed effective.

Such courses are naturally unpopular with students. While other courses might offer some knowledge, Kendo and Judo are purely forms of torture. Aside from a few sadists, most people wouldn't enjoy them. This is why everyone envies Lin Xinyi—because he skipped a useless class that no one else wanted to attend.

For Lin Xinyi, the principal's office, the naval seminar activity room, the dormitory, and the canteen were the places he was most familiar with in the school. He visited the principal's office more times in a month than an ordinary student would in three years. However, he still ate a pound when he entered the principal's office this time.

Kawahara gestured for Hayashi to sit down opposite him, then poured him a glass of wine and said, "I'll be stepping down as principal soon, so having a drink with you today isn't a problem."

Lin Xinyi accepted the wine glass with both hands to express his gratitude and drank it all in one gulp. He then put down the glass and poured a glass for Principal Heyuan, saying, "I have already heard that the principal will be going to the General Staff Headquarters to take up a post. I look forward to the principal making great achievements in the General Staff Headquarters and bringing some new ideas to the Navy."

Kawahara picked up his wine glass, looked at Hayashi Shinichi, and said with a smile, "The Naval General Staff is not the Army's General Staff Headquarters. Even the Chief of the Naval General Staff cannot participate in politics. I am just a vice minister; how can I change the Navy?"

Lin Xinyi disagreed, saying, "If the Minister of the Navy cannot assume the responsibility of leading the Navy, then the General Staff should naturally assume the responsibility. The Minister of the Navy is the Navy's representative in the Cabinet, not an official dispatched by the Cabinet to the Navy."

Kawahara Yoichi looked at the student in front of him without changing his expression and said, "You speak with the air of a veteran. So, how do you think the Naval General Staff should shoulder the responsibility of leading the Navy?"

Lin Xinyi toyed with the small wine glass in his hand, but changed the subject, saying, "I wonder if the principal thinks it would be feasible to add a course on Southeast Asian history and geography to the school curriculum?"

Kawahara's question was merely a casual remark; he hadn't expected Lin Xinyi to propose a condition for exchange. Kawahara was well aware that his return to the central command didn't mean he could accomplish anything, as Yamamoto Gonnohyōe remained the second-in-command in the navy, Saigō Tsugumichi had no intention of expelling him, the second-generation core of the Satsuma faction, and the Chief of the Naval General Staff, Ito Sukeyuki, still supported Yamamoto Gonnohyōe.

Therefore, although he has returned to the central government, his power within the Military Command is probably not as great as that of the current principal. He urgently needs Saigo Tsurumichi's approval, which is the purpose of his invitation to talk to Hayashi Nobuyoshi today. Hayashi Nobuyoshi is the rope that connects him and Saigo Tsurumichi, and he certainly cannot sever it.

He merely wanted to use this conversation to convey his stance to Saigo Tsugumichi through Hayashi Nobuyoshi. He didn't expect Hayashi Nobuyoshi to offer any advice. Perhaps the other party had some unexpected ideas, but without the support of powerful figures, these ideas were nothing but wishful thinking. Therefore, what he valued was the connection Hayashi Nobuyoshi could establish with Saigo Tsugumichi, not Hayashi Nobuyoshi's personal worth. For Hayashi Nobuyoshi's worth to be demonstrated, he would have to wait at least ten years after graduation and serving in the Navy.

Thinking of this, Kawahara couldn't help but give the other person a nudge, "Within the military academy, although the principal has a lot of power, this power is still constrained. Adjusting the curriculum requires reporting to the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff. The Southern Advancement Theory is not yet a decision of the Navy. If you want to carry out related courses within the military academy, you will have to bear a lot of pressure. What kind of price do you think people would have to bear such pressure?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "What does the principal think of the proposal to help the Korean Empire build a navy?"

Kawahara Yoichi was somewhat taken aback by Hayashi Shinichi's abrupt way of thinking, and it took him a while to react before saying, "Not good at all. To stop Korea from building a navy, we even had a dispute with the British. We finally managed to get the British to withdraw their naval advisors from Korea. Are we going to help Korea build a navy now? Their purpose in building a navy is to resist the Japanese navy, isn't it? Such a proposal will not receive the support of the navy and the army."

Lin Xinyi simply uttered two words: "Budget".

Kawara Yoichi looked at him with some confusion and asked, "What budget?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him seriously and said, "The goal of the 66th Fleet has been achieved. Although we have begun to argue that the 66th Fleet is an outdated fleet, this fleet is already powerful enough for the countries around East Asia. Proposing a new shipbuilding plan will inevitably arouse the vigilance of Britain and the United States."

Therefore, it is unlikely that the naval budget will increase for some time. Minister Yamamoto was who he was because he secured funding for the navy through the Six-Six Fleet's shipbuilding program. So even though the Six-Six Fleet ultimately proved to be outdated, many in the navy will still be grateful to Minister Yamamoto.

If we want the Navy to forget Minister Yamamoto's achievements, we should find new ways to increase the Navy's budget and get everyone in the Navy looking forward. Only by looking forward will they forget the budget Minister Yamamoto secured for the Navy and only see the Sixth Fleet's obsolescence.

Since Japan is facing obstacles to increasing its naval budget, why not look for ways to increase it outside of Japan? Although the Korean Empire is nominally independent, we know it is a Japanese protectorate with limited sovereignty. Even so, the Korean Empire's budget is independent.

In other words, if we allocate a portion of the Korean Empire's budget as a beneficial supplement to the navy, then a new model of budget growth will emerge. The current naval competition is no longer one where simply purchasing a few ships constitutes building a navy. Therefore, as long as the Naval General Staff implements restrictive planning for the Korean Empire's navy, this navy will become a beneficial supplement to the Japanese navy, rather than a competitor.

Furthermore, the Korean Empire government, with the support of Tsarist Russia, is building up its army. Our assistance in establishing a navy would not only divert their investment in the army but also foster a pro-naval force, thus providing the navy with a pretext to intervene in affairs on the Korean Peninsula.

Kawahara Yoichi was about to say that this was just wishful thinking, but upon further reflection, he realized that it made a lot of sense. Although the design plan for a high-speed battleship with all heavy guns was not yet finalized, according to the information he had obtained, the technical department was paying more and more attention to the development direction of this future warship.

In other words, there may be a major leap in the shipbuilding technology of the navy, which would render the old ironclad ships obsolete. At this time, leading the North Koreans astray would indeed be a good plan that would both deplete North Korea's defense budget and not pose a threat to the Japanese navy.

He pondered for a long time before saying uncertainly, "This plan would benefit the Navy, but it doesn't seem to benefit the Army much; they might not support it. Moreover, according to the tacit agreement, the affairs of the Korean Peninsula are handled by the Army, and the affairs of Taiwan are handled by the Navy. If we break this agreement, the Army might also get involved in the affairs of Taiwan."

After pondering for a few moments, Lin Xinyi said, "Is this an agreement reached between the Navy and the Army? Or between the Minister of the Navy and the Minister of the Army? For the Navy, the entire island of Taiwan is not important; what matters are its several ports. Similarly, for the Navy, all we need from the Korean Peninsula is budget and ports. As for the rest, let the Army take what it can handle."

The Army should take over areas we don't want under the Navy's arrangement, rather than vying with the Navy for regional control, which clearly hinders the Navy's control and management of sea power. Unless, of course, the Army intends to develop its own maritime transport and combat forces.

Kawara Yoichi said with some surprise, "The army shouldn't do that, right? Wouldn't doing that be breaking the tacit understanding between the army and the navy?"

Lin Xinyi replied dismissively, "The Army's refusal to allow the Navy to speak on Korean Peninsula affairs means that the coastline of the Korean Peninsula is no longer under the Navy's control. So, if the Army stops building ships, how will they control the coastline of the Korean Peninsula? The Army broke the tacit understanding between the Army and the Navy first, so the Navy naturally has no need to pay attention to this tacit understanding. Wherever there is a coastline, it should be under the Navy's control."

Kawahara Yoichi suddenly realized that there was a piece of steak being grilled in front of him. It was very hot, but he knew it would be very tender and juicy if he could actually eat it. This was indeed the best and fastest way for him to get back to the Naval General Staff and make a breakthrough. He didn't even need Saigo Tsugumichi's attention, because the naval officers who wanted to compete for the budget would definitely be on his side.

Chapter 98 Suggestion for Kawahara (Part 2)

Kawahara Kaname found himself getting nervous in front of a young boy, which was quite ridiculous. He began to understand why Saigo Tsugumichi valued this boy so much, even going so far as to use methods to get him into the Naval Academy. Indeed, if someone like him were to turn against the Navy, he would be a real threat to the Navy.

He needed time to calm himself down, so he forcefully changed the subject, saying, "You want to add a course on Southeast Asian history and geography to the school curriculum, which isn't entirely impossible. However, this would put the school on the side of the Southward Expansion theory. What results can the naval symposium reach regarding the Southward Expansion theory?"

Lin Xinyi clasped his hands together in front of his nose and pondered quietly for more than a minute before putting his hands down and saying, "In the past two months, those who advocate the Southward Expansion Theory have explained the origin of the Southward Expansion Theory to us very clearly."

Basically, those who advocate for southward expansion have two main points. The first is that Southeast Asia is a treasure trove, arguing that: Europeans have explored the waters off Malaya for centuries, and it remains a great treasure trove, both then and now. …If the Japanese people can tap into this great treasure trove, the grand cause of a great nation can be accomplished.

The second is based on Pan-Asianism, which states: Our greatest enemy now and in the future is the white race... We helped Siam fight against Britain, using Malacca as our hinterland to guard the Strait of Singapore, and then helped Korea fight against Russia, using the entire Manchuria region as our hinterland to occupy Vladivostok, Nikolayevsk, Sakhalin Island, and Cambodia.

In summary, the plan was to unite the peoples of Asia to expel the European and American colonizers, then develop Southeast Asia to strengthen the nation's foundation, thus achieving an Asian version of the Monroe Doctrine.

Kawahara Yoichi nodded slightly. The theory of southward expansion has a history of several decades. Hayashi Shin-yi's summary is excellent, encompassing the main points of the theory. The essence of the theory of southward expansion is to emulate the United States' declaration of exclusive interests in the Americas, making Japan the America of Asia.

However, the United States could only occupy half of the North American continent. At that time, the power of Britain and Germany in South America and Central America was much greater than that of the United States. In addition, there was Canada. The Monroe Doctrine of the United States was still just a fantasy.

More importantly, the Southeast Asian region is far more important than South America or Central America. It not only boasts abundant tropical crops and a large population, but it is also one of the world's most important shipping routes, comparable in importance to the Suez Canal, the Mediterranean Sea, and the English Channel. Therefore, no country could relinquish control of this region. Japan, with its limited resources, was simply incapable of accomplishing such a grand undertaking. Furthermore, uniting the various Asian peoples seemed unrealistic. This is why the Southward Expansion Theory remained mere empty talk.

Just as Kawahara was pondering, he heard Hayashi Shin-yi say: "...If we look at the Southward Expansion Theory from Japan's perspective, then no matter how much Pan-Asianism is promoted, we cannot escape the contradictory fact that in order to expel the European and American forces in Southeast Asia, we need the resources of the mainland. This means that the alliance with the various Asian nations is just empty talk, because the various Asian nations obviously cannot voluntarily contribute resources to Japan. Therefore, if we want to obtain the resources of the mainland, we must launch a mainland war. This is the origin of the mainland policy."

If Japan were to become embroiled in a war against the mainland, the implementation of its southward expansion policy would become a distant prospect. Given Japan's strength, conquering the main continental power, namely China, would require decades of warfare. Even if it eventually conquered all of China, the subsequent development and exploitation of its resources would take another several decades.

In other words, from Japan's perspective, promoting the Southern Expansion theory would ultimately turn them into supporters of a continental policy, and they would eventually abandon the Southern Expansion theory in practice, which means abandoning the national policy of prioritizing the navy.

He Yuan looked at Lin Xinyi with some surprise. He originally thought that Lin Xinyi would avoid this point. After all, after so many years of discussion, the supporters of the Southward Expansion Theory had roughly understood where the flaws of the Southward Expansion Theory lay. Their attitude towards this flaw was to avoid it, and to create the perfection of the Southward Expansion Theory by not discussing this flaw. This was also the reason why the supporters of the Southward Expansion Theory were becoming fewer and fewer.

Kawahara slowly began to speak: "Since you have seen this point, why... um... you just said that from Japan's perspective, is there any other angle to view the Southern Expansion Theory?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "Yes, if we look at the Southern Expansion Theory from the perspective of the Navy, I think there is another route that can be taken."

Kawahara felt a little dizzy. He stared at Lin Xinyi for a long time before asking, "From the navy's perspective, is there any difference between the Japanese perspective and the Japanese perspective?"

Lin Xinyi then said: "For example, the establishment of the Korean Imperial Navy is, in a sense, an attempt. By guiding the backward Asian countries to build their own navies, the navy can control the political and economic resources of Asian countries through the navies of each country, and eventually form the Greater Asia Joint Fleet dominated by the Japanese Navy, thereby gaining the collective self-defense power of Asian countries at sea."

Under this model, the navy will not be the private property of Asian countries, but rather the guarantor of security in Greater Asia, with the governments of Asian countries serving as land-based offices for the Greater Asia Joint Fleet.

A combined fleet of the Greater Asiatic region would dominate the navies of various countries, and these navies would dominate their respective governments. These governments would provide resources and manpower for the development of their navies. Therefore, from the perspective of the navy, we could achieve our southward expansion strategy through the joint efforts of the navies of Asian countries without launching a continental war.

He Yuan stared at Lin Xinyi in disbelief. Even his most arrogant ideas in his life had never been as incredible as the concept he was hearing now, yet the concept itself was quite magical.

He swallowed several times, his throat still dry, before speaking in a slightly distorted voice, "Do you know what you're saying? How can such an idea be realized? Is this still the Japanese navy?"

After pondering for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "At least Japan can become a naval power. Isn't that the best path for a navy?"

Kawahara didn't want to talk anymore. He poured himself a glass of wine, drank it all in one gulp, and then poured himself another glass. After drinking three glasses in a row, his mood gradually calmed down.

Kawahara looked up at the boy who remained seated as still as a rock and subconsciously asked, "Is this your reason for opposing the cadets reciting the 'Soldiers' Rescript'?"

After thinking for a few seconds, Lin Xinyi said, "I didn't think of that at the time. I just thought that the 'Soldiers' Edict' was restricting the future of the navy. I just didn't want to join a navy with no future."

After a long silence, Kawahara said, "If this is the future of the Navy as you see it, isn't this future too... too broad?"

Lin Xinyi looked at Kawahara and said, "The Minister of the Navy is a personal goal, not a goal for the Navy. What I am willing to fight for is the future of the Navy, not my own. That is why I think Minister Yamamoto is not good enough; he values ​​his personal future too much."

Kawahara repeated it softly, somewhat blankly: "So this is what the future of the navy means..."

As Lin Xinyi walked out of the principal's office, he noticed the sunset was already on the horizon, and he suddenly felt that the sunset was truly beautiful. Principal Heyuan's personality, while not exactly smooth, was at least not overly rigid; otherwise, the naval seminar would have been canceled long ago. This conversation between the two was a heart-to-heart talk; if they couldn't reach a consensus, then their cooperation would be impossible.

Based on Lin Xinyi's interactions with Principal Kawahara over the past six months, he felt that Principal Kawahara was not an old man who wanted to retire yet. He still hoped to leave something in naval history. However, he did not have a systematic theory of naval construction to support him, so it was difficult for him to attract the support of the navy. At most, he could only offer some pertinent opinions on individual issues.